Iconic architecture in globalizing cities

Abstract

This paper attempts to construct a theory connecting capitalist globalization and iconic architecture. Iconic architecture is defined as buildings and spaces that are famous for professional architects and/or the public at large and have special symbolic/aesthetic significance attached to them. The drivers of capitalist globalization are conceptualized as the transnational capitalist class, organized analytically in four (sometimes overlapping) fractions: (i) those who own and/or control the major transnational corporations and their local affiliates (corporate fraction); (ii) globalizing politicians and bureaucrats (political fraction); (iii) globalizing professionals (technical fraction); and (iv) merchants and media (consumerist fraction). The transformation of cities all round the world in the last half century is explained in terms of how the four fractions of the transnational capitalist class mobilize their allies in architecture and real estate development to create globalizing cities, increasingly marked and marketed through their iconic buildings and spaces. This is connected theoretically to the underlying ideology of capitalist globalization, namely the culture-ideology of consumerism in the interests of private profit. Evidence for the thesis is presented from recent developments in major Chinese cities and other globalizing cities around the world.

Keywords:

• iconic architecture
• capitalist globalization
• transnational capitalist class
• urban megaproject

Notes

¹ Sklair's Transnational Capitalist Class (2001) was published in Chinese version in 2002. For a review of the literature and alternative formulations see Carroll (2010).

² There is a lively debate on the role of the state in capitalist globalization (see Robinson 2007). My own view is that the state is a site of struggle between globalizers and nationalists/localizers, and for this reason I now prefer the term ‘political fraction’ over the term ‘state fraction’ of the TCC and consider the idea of the ‘transnational state’ to be contradictory.

³ What I have termed ‘celebrity infrastructure’ (see Sklair 2005, 487 n.4) – for example, Foster's new Beijing airport, the Euralille project by Koolhaas, Calatrava's transportation hub at Ground Zero in New York and his bridges in many other cities – is now a regular component of urban megaprojects.

⁴ His Table 1 on major real estate developments in Metro Manila shows that global architects and architect–developers, including HOK, SOM and other foreign firms are heavily involved.

⁵ Carmona provides a useful table on other UMPs, including Baltimore Inner Harbour, Oslo city centre, Sydney Darling Harbour, Paris Parc de la Villette, Copenhagen Tivoli, London Southbank, Barcelona Olympic Village, and Bilbao waterfront – identifying many iconic buildings in these projects.

⁶ The grands projets in Paris have been extensively covered in the mass media all over the world and in countless city guides. For an excellent critique of the ideology and politics of these buildings, see Fierro (2003).

⁷ The story of the specific role of architects and architecture–developer firms in this process is taken up in the report of the Harvard Design School Pearl River Delta project, led by Rem Koolhaas (Chung et al. 2001). On contemporary architecture in China in general see Zhu (2009) and, with special reference to globalization, Ren (2011).

⁸ Other grands projets-type architectural icons in Shanghai built around the turn of the millennium include Foster's Jiushi Corporation HQ, the Grand Theatre by Charpentier, the new Pudong International Airport by Andreu, and the Shanghai World's Fair (summer 2010). For a satirical account of the ‘Shanghai Global City’ experience, see Krupar (2008). See also, Arkaraprasertkul (2008).

⁹ Li Ka-shing was also a major investor in real estate and infrastructure in Pudong and in Vancouver, see Olds (2001).

¹⁰ Although not strictly a UMP, as Broudehoux makes clear Tiananmen Square has been pressed into service as a powerful symbol of the new globalizing Beijing. For a penetrating account of the monumental history of the square, see Wu Hung (1991).