State-led security responses and violent extremism: a comparative analysis of Libya, Egypt and Tunisia

ABSTRACT

This article investigates the link between the deterioration of state-society relations and the increase in state-sponsored violence in the MENA region in the aftermath of the Arab Uprisings. It does so to address the question of whether state-led security responses are directly related to the perceived proliferation of violent extremism networks. Relying on the comparative analysis of Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, the article argues that together with the escalation of security responses, worsening socio-economic conditions and the recurrent imposition of Emergency Laws indeed lead to the proliferation of violent extremism networks.

KEYWORDS:

• Violent Extremism
• State-Society Relations
• Egypt
• Libya
• Tunisia
• Counter Extremism

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1. There is a growing body of literature that focuses on the drivers of violent extremism, mostly agreeing that issues such as marginalisation, inequality, persecution, denial of rights and civil liberties, and other historical socio-economic grievances are at the core of this phenomenon (Newman 2006). The literature splits into three main trends, with the first one looking at Political–Sociological radicalisation drivers, such as religion, ideology and economic grievances (see, e.g. Krueger 2007; Khan and Azam 2008). The second trend unpacks the psychological aspects behind radicalisation, exploring issues of belonging, personal narratives and conformity (see, e.g. Kruglanski et al. 2014; Loza 2007). The last trend looks at Social Exclusion in Western Industrialised Multicultural Societies as a driver behind extremism (see, e.g. Stern 2003; Tobias 2006).

2. For the purpose of this article, ‘violent extremism’ is broadly understood as the ‘belief and actions of people who support or use ideologically-motivated violence to achieve radical ideological, religious, or political views’ (as found in Kruglanski et al. 2014). Similarly, ‘sovereign states’ in the region refer to those emerged from the Sykes-Picot agreement, where centralised rule and territorial borders are constantly being challenged by competing identities, tribalism and ideologies.

3. ‘Youth unemployment rates in MENA, at 21 percent in the Middle East and 25 percent in North Africa, are higher than any other region in the world.’

4. These are the UN-backed Government of National Accord (GNA) based in Tripoli (Toaldo and Fitzgerald 2018), The Libyan National Army (LNA), headed by General Khalifa Hiftar, which controls most of the Eastern territories (HRW 2018), Da’esh forces, based around the city of Sirte and in the Misrata area (Pack, Smith, and Mezran 2017), several tribal groups, such as the Tuareg, and other armed groups that control pockets of unclaimed territory.

5. The data indicates that 2015 saw the highest poverty levels since 2000. Poverty rates have hiked to 27% in 2015 compared to 26.3% in 2012/2013 and 25.2% in 2010/2011.

6. Ansar al Sharia, which is affiliated to Da’esh, has claimed responsibility for the bloody 2015 Sousse attacks on a tourist resort that left 39 dead, in the deadliest non-state attack in the history of modern Tunisia (Amara 2015).