On the integration of Chinese, Tibetan, exoteric and esoteric Buddhism in the Tangut Kingdom

ABSTRACT

This article analyzes four Tibetan Buddhist texts or groups of texts written in Chinese from the Tangut period (1038–1227), in order to demonstrate the distinctive character of Tangut Buddhism as a blend of Sino-Tibetan and exoteric–esoteric Buddhist traditions. The four (groups of) texts are: (1) The texts related to the Mahāmudrā teachings in the Dacheng yaodao miji 大乘要道密集 [The Secret Collection of Works on the Essential Path of Mahāyāna]; And three (groups of) texts from the Khara-Khoto Collection: (2) The Chisong shengfomu boreduo xinjing yaomen 持誦聖佛母般若多心經要門 [Pith Instruction of Practicing and Reciting the Heart Sūtra of the Saintly Mother of Prajñāpāramitā]: (3) The Yuhushen qiuxiu 欲護神求脩 [Invocation and Practice of the Protector of the Desire (Realm)] and Dahei qiuxiu bing zuofa 大黑求脩并作法 [Invocation and Practice of Mahākāla]: (4) The Chinese and Tangut versions of the Sizi kongxingmu jiwen 四字空行母記文 [Commentary on the (Manual of) Four-Syllable Ḍākinī]. These four (groups of) texts reflect the vigorous contributions made by Tangut Buddhist masters to integrate Chinese, Tibetan, exoteric and esoteric Buddhism. They exemplify how Tangut Buddhism possesses ecceletic characteristics of different Buddhist traditions.

KEYWORDS:

• Tangut Kingdom
• Sino-Tibetan Buddhism
• integration of exoteric and esoteric traditions
• Khara-Khoto documents

Acknowledgments

The author and transaltors of this article express gratitude to Hou Haoran 侯浩然 of Tsinghua University for reviewing the draft translation.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Abbreviations

T = Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新脩大藏經; see Bibliography, Secondary Sources, Takakusu & Watanabe (eds.).

X = (Wan) Xuzang jing (卍)字續藏經; see Bibliography, Secondary Sources, Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi 新文豐出版公司 (comp.), (Wan) Xu zangjing.

Notes

1. Shen, Zangchuan Fojiao zai Xiyu.

2. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 76–78.

3. For an overview of pith instruction as a genre, see Kapstein, ‘gDams ngag,’ 275–289. Translator’s note: yaomen literally translates as ‘essential key points’; jimen ‘trimmed key points,’ but I will use ‘pith instruction’ for the remainder of the article.

4. On the term xifa zhongguo, see Sun et al., Xixia wen, 251–253; Huber, The Holy Land Reborn.

5. Zuting shiyuan, X no. 1261, 64: 8.424c19–20.

6. Shen, ‘Han-Zang Foxue bijiao chuyi,’ 51–63; and idem, Xixia Fojiao wenxian.

7. For an overview of these manuscripts and their content, see Shen, Zangchuan Fojiao zai Xiyu he Zhongyuan de chuanbo, 102–110.

8. Lü, Han-Zang Fojiao, 1–16.

9. Nges don phyag chen rgya gzhung dang bod gzhung, 373–399 (fascicle 5)

10. Recently, Yang Jie 楊傑 of the Renming University of China identified the original Tibetan texts corresponding to the two short pith instructions in the fourth juan of the Dasheng yaodao miji. The two Chinese texts in question are: Dashouyin zuanji xin zhi yilei yaomen 大手印纂集心之義類要門 [Pith Instruction on the Essential Meaning of Mahāmudrā] and Nami zhenxin siju yaomen 那彌真心四句要門 [The Quartet Pith Instruction of Dombi’s Intention]. The corresponding Tibetan texts are: sNying po’i don lnga ldan and sLob dpon ḍoṃ bhi he ru ka’i dgongs pa. They are included in Khams gsum chos kyi, 244–246, 459–460 (vol. 3).

11. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 67.

12. Ibid, 61–67.

13. See Shen, ‘Lun Dasheng yaodao miji de chengshu,’ 11–20; also idem, Zangchuan Fojiao zai Xiyu he Zhongyuan de chuanbo, 36–43.

14. TK285. Or page 374 (vol. 4) in the Shanghai guji chubanshe edition.

15. For the interpretation and research on these Tangut manuscripts, see Solonin, ‘Xi’xia wen Dashou yin, 235–266; and Sun et al., Xixia wen.

16. See the preface by Tan Xiyong 談錫永 to Dasheng yaodao miji, 8–9.

17. On the latest discussion on the sectarian divisions of Tibetan Buddhism, see Shen et al., ‘Lüe shu Xixia he Yuanchao,’ 189–218. Also see Deroche, Phreng po gter ston Shes rab ‘od zer (1518–1584),’ 319–342.

18. For an analysis and critique of this opinion, see Jackson, Enlightenment by a Single Means.

19. For an explanation of these three types of Mahāmudrā, see Gongzhu, Zhishi zonghui, 381–383.

20. See Mathes, ‘Blending the The Sūtras with the Tantras’; and his A Fine Blend of Mahāmudrā and Madhyamaka.

21. On the hermeneutics of Esoteric Buddhism, see Thurman, ‘Hermeneutics of Vajrayana,’ 119–148; Wedemeyer, Making Sense of Tantric Buddhism.

22. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 1: 29.

23. Zhuohuo ding in Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 1: 32.

24. Guangming Ding xuanyi, in Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 1: 49.

25. sNyan brgyud rdo rje’i tshig rkang (Ch. Erchuan jin’gang ju 耳傳金剛句), translated by Nāropa and Mar pa Chos kyi blo gros (1002/1012–1097), is the root text for the Six Yogas of Nāropā and the associated ‘Completion Stage’ (Ch. Yuanman cidi 圓滿次第; Tib. rdzogs rim) of the ‘hearing lineage of Chakrasamvara’ (Ch. shengle erchuan 勝樂耳傳; Tib. bde mchog snyan brgyud) which includes the yule ding. Together with the ‘Generation Stage’ (Ch. shengqi cidi 生起次第) which relies on the visualization of such deities as Cakrasamvara and Vajravārāhī, and with the subsequent Mahāmudrā, they together make up the Three Stages of Tantra, including the Anuttarayoga Tantras. These three stages were all transmitted to the Tangut kingdom, as attested clearly by some Chinese and Tangut tantric texts. More on the text sNyan brgyud rdo rje’i tshig rkang, see Torricelli, ‘The Tibetan Text of the Karṇatantravajrapada,’ 385–423; and his ‘bDe-mchog snyan-brgyud,’ 359–387.

26. On the four seals, see Mathes, ‘The Succession of the Four Seals,’ 89–130. Also see the chapter ‘Si Shouyin yu Yule Ding: Yi Jixiang shangle fangbian zhihui shuangyundao xuanyi juan dujie’ 四手印與欲樂定: 《依吉祥上樂輪方便智慧雙運道玄義卷》讀解 [Four Seals and Meditation of Sensual Pleasure: Guided Reading of the Yi Jixiang Shanglelun fangbian zhihui shuang yundao xuanyi juan]. In Shen, Xixia Fojiao wenxian. Also see Shen, Zangchuan Fojiao zai Xiyu he Zhongyuan de chuanbo, 157–220.

27. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 1: 28–29. This description of Mahāmudrā is reminiscent of the definition of liru in the Er’ru sixing lun which records the teaching of Bodhidharma (fl. fifth or sixth century). 理入者, 謂藉教悟宗, 深信含生同一真性, 但為客塵妄想所覆, 不能顯了. 若也捨妄歸真, 凝住壁觀, 無自無他, 凡聖等一. 堅住不移, 更不隨文教, 此即於理冥符, 無有分別, 寂然無為, 名之理入 (Shaoshi liumen, T no. 2009, 48: 369c21–25).

28. For some typical examples, see the Xinxin ming and the Zuishangsheng lun.

29. Benlai mianmu 本來面目 (the naked enlightened nature) is a common term in Chinese Chan Buddhism; and we can find its ‘synonym’ (Tib. sgra don) in the Tibetan Dzogchen or Mahāmudrā texts – rang zhal. For the usage of this term, see Nges don phyag rgya chen po’i khrid rim gsal byed de bzhin nyid kyi rang zhal mngon sum snang ba’i me long, 251–567 (vol.2). Also see Rang bzhin rdzogs pa chen po’i rang zhal mngon du byed pa’i gdams pa ma bsgom, 291–358 (vol.16). I want to thank Yang Jie of the Renmin University of China for pointing this out to me. Benlai mianmu/rang zhal exemplifies the doctrinal and semantic similarity between the two texts; and this similarity will make an excellent basis for translation.

30. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 60.

31. It is worth noting that as early as the Era of Fragmentation, in the Dunhuang region, there already existed the tendency that integrated Chinese and Tibetan Buddhism, and esoteric and exoteric Buddhism. In the Tibetan Dunhuang manuscripts, and in the early Dzogchen texts such as rNal byor mig gi bsam gtan [Meditation of Yoga Eye], we could see that the Anuttarayoga Tantras of Tibetan Buddhism and the meditation of Chinese Chan Buddhism have long achieved a state of union in the Dunhuang region. This union was not due to the interaction between the two traditions, but a natural outcome. As for the Mahāmudrā practiced during the Tangut period, which is characterised by its dual Sino-Tibetan influence, we could see it as the legacy of the Dunhuang period. See van Schaik et al., ‘When Chan and Tantra Meet,’ 61–71; and van Schaik, ‘Dzogchen, Chan,’ 5–19.

32. Before Tibetan Buddhists came to commonly conceive Svātantrika and Prāsaṅgika as two opposing camps of the Madhyamaka tradition, it was more common in both India and Tibet to divide the Madhyamaka tradition into the sect of the sgyu ma lta bu gnyis su med par smra ba [Nondual Illusionist] (also known as sgyu ma rigs grub pa [Reason-Established Illusionist] or short as sgyu ma lta bur smra ba [Illusionist]) and the sect of chos thams cad rab tu mi gnas par ’dod pa [Aspirant of all Phenomena as Completely Non-dwelling] (or short as rab tu mi gnas pa [Completely Non-dweller]). On the Indian background of this divisive scheme and its transmission to Tibet, see Almogi, ‘Māyopamādvayavāda versus Sarvadharmāpratiṣṭhānavāda,’ 135–212.

33. See note 30 above.

34. Here, the division between esoteric and exoteric Buddhism is mostly identical to that made in the Xi jin’gang benxu 喜金剛本續 [Root Tantra of Hevajra]. 時母踴躍喜, 復白世尊言: 無分機難調, 云何設調伏? 無頓入分難調機以何方便而制伏耶? 佛言先賜與圓戒, 三皈五戒也次與十學法, 別解說十戒, 然後教授菩薩菩提心戒, 漸漸令學. 後明一切有, 二乘所知五法, 經部亦如是, 詮真三所知法; 次修瑜珈行, 唯識宗理, 然後示中道, 明諸法本無, 中道宗理, 如斯漸漸學之者, 皆通乘顯教之理也. 諸呪既曉了, 次學所作、行瑜珈、大瑜伽, 諸呪既曉, 然後方修喜金剛凡所具明一切義門. 是資敬奉持, 必定證成就. 若有資徒漸漸而學如是等法, 敬信奉持, 設無分者, 定當成佛 (Xi jin’gang kongxing wang lüyi pin diba 喜金剛空行網律儀品第八 in Jixiang xi jin’gang benxu wang hou fenzhu shu).

35. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 48–49.

36. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 55. 是以銘得哩斡師欲令行人, 了解淺深及優劣, 故為上根人引於教證, 令人脩習甚深之道而得解脫也. 三了見宗已, 安住禪定者, 然此見宗若望因乘, 即乘即煉淨其心, 而觀於空; 若據果乘, 依緣起道而觀大樂、光明、真空. 然其因乘所脩之道, 准餘文知. 今此果乘, 依大手印而脩道也. 此亦分二, 初漸入安心, 後頓入安心. 銘得哩瓦師隨有情機, 漸之與頓, 俱許脩習.

37. It is worth noting that even though in the Second Dissemination Period, Tibetan Buddhism was known for its ‘esoteric mantra of the New Translation,’ both exoteric and esoteric doctrines were featured in the teaching. For instance, Rin chen bzang po, the forefather of the ‘esoteric mantra of the New Translation,’ in teaching the Prajñāpāramitā Sutras and the ‘father tantra’ and ‘mother tantra,’ made emphasis on the Anuttarayoga Tantra, but his philosophical view is essentially that of the ‘non-abiding Madhyamaka.’ See grub mtha’ thams cad, 52–53.

38. The Foshuo sheng dasheng sanguiyi jing 佛說聖大乘三歸依經 [The Sūtra of Three Refuges of the Noble Mahāyanā Spoken by the Buddha].

39. The Sheng dasheng shengyi pusa jing 聖大乘聖意菩薩經 [The Noble Mahāyāna Sūtra on the Bodhisattva of Jayamati].

40. Two texts: The Sheng guanzizai dabeixin zongchi gongneng yijing lu 聖觀自在大悲心總持功能依經錄 [An Abridged Version of the Benefits of the Dhāraṇī of the Great Compassionate One, the Noble Lord Avalokiteśvara] and the Shengxiang dingzun zongchi gongneng yijing lu 勝相頂尊總持功能依經錄 [An Abridged Version of the Benefits of the Uṣṇīṣavijayādhāraṇī].

41. For the collation and research on the Chinese and Tibetan versions of these types of Mahāyanā texts produced during the Tangut period, see Shen, Xixia Fojiao wenxian, 87–113, 194–226.

42. On the various explanations of the Heart Sūtra, see Lopez, The Heart Sūtra Explained; and idem, Elaborations on Emptiness; Tan, Xinjing neiyi yu jiujing ji.

43. rgyal ba’i bka’ dang nva gva rdza na yi gsungs ba la brten. See Tengyur, vol. 65, Peking 3464: 521–525; Peking 3465: 525–528.

44. See Zhuohuo ding in the dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 1: 32.

45. See Li, Heishui cheng, 175–234, especially 175–178.

46. Yuhu shen qiuxiu in Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 5: 14–34; Dahei qiuxiain bing zuofa, in Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, juan 6: 42–59; Jin’gang Haimu jilun gongyang cidi, in Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, juan 5: 241–244; Jin’gang Haimu shi’shi yi, in Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, juan 6: 275.

47. T no. 977.

48. See Shi, Xi’xia wen Dabai sangai tuoluo, 9–16; Hamanaka, Mongoru jidai ni okeru bukkyō shinkō ni Seika ga ataeta eikyō.

49. Tengyur, vol. 65: 669–670 (page 1071 in the Zhonghua Dazang jing: Danzhuer).

50. Ibid., vol. 64: 1801.

51. Ibid., vol. 64: 1687.

52. de ltar sems bskyed pa’i gang zag gis byang chub kyi sems spel bar bya ba’i phyir tha na nyin lan gsum mtshan lan gsum du sangs rgyas chos dang tshogs kyi mchog rnams la/ byang chub bar du bdag ni skyabs su mchi/ bdag gis sbyin sogs bgyis pa ’di dag gis/ ’gro ba phan phyir sangs rgyas ’grub par shog/ ces byang chub tu sems bskyed par bya’o. Ibid., vol. 65: 669–670.

53. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, juan 5: 14–34.

54. On the biography of Padmasambhava and the early Tibetan sources related to Padmasambhava, see Bischoff, ‘Padmasambhava,’ 27–33; Dalton, ‘IOL. Tib J 644 and Pelliot tibetain 307,’ 759–772; Hirshberg, Padmasambhava in the History of Tibet’s Golden Age. Also see the Cirang, ‘P.T. 849. Yindu gaoseng Dewa buzha shilüe’ P. T. 849 號《印度高僧德瓦布扎事略》[P.T.849 On the Indian Master De ba pu tra] in Cai, Puti yizhu, 435–456.

55. Regarding the early Chinese translation of Nyingma texts, the Dasheng yaodao miji contains a manual on the ‘technique of imbibing essence’ (Tib. bcud len; Ch. shesheng shu 攝生術), titled Fushi ganlu yaomen 服石 ‘甘露’ 要門 [Pith Instruction on Consuming the Stone ‘Elixir’]. This manual was the translation of a Tibetan Nyingma text from mKha’ ’gro snying thig [Heart Essence of Dakini]. It is said to be transmitted by Padmasambhava, but in the Chinese translation, no connection could be made in regard to Padmasambhava. See Yang, ‘Fushi yaomen,’ 127–135.

56. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 5: 16–17.

57. For the formation of the Four Classes of Yoga, see Yang, ‘Lun Zangchuan Fojiao xubu fenlei,’ 56–64; and idem, ‘Gongge ningpu,’ 349–361.

58. It is worth mentioning that the Khora-Khoto manuscripts contain a Chinese esoteric manual titled Tiefa haitou yuhushen qiuxiu xu 鐵髮亥頭欲護神求脩續 [Tantra of the Iron-Hair Pig-Head Protector of the Desire (Realm)] (TK322). It was written in the Yuan Dynasty, but lamentably it was heavily damaged. But judging from the title, we may draw a connection with the Yuhu shen qiuxiu and the Ju tie faji heimatou mingwang xiufa. Yang Jie pointed out that this last text teaches 13 practices: visualize the deity, recite mantra, receive the wisdom deity, protect the wheel of dharma, apply the medicine, subdue the ferocious demon, solicit the rain, cease the rain, kill and subdue, prevent the hail, food offering, etc. These practices have prominent indigenous features (e.g., the cessation of rain or the prevention of hail). More importantly, they show features of Mahāyoga. For instances: (1) The Ju tie faji heimatou Mingwang xiufa teaches a gradual evocation of Hayagrīva through ‘three samādhis’ (Tib. ting ’dzin gsum; Ch. san dengchi 三等持) (i.e., ‘thusness samādhi’ 真如定, ‘pervasive illumination samādhi’ 遍照定, ‘root cause samādhi’ 本因定). In contrast, the Yuhu shen qiuxiu teaches a rapid evocation of the protector of the dharma realm without any intermediate steps; (2) Regarding the practices of killing and subduing, they resemble the killing rituals of Mahāyoga of the Nyingma school. The only differences are the use of the vajra peg (Tib. rdo rje phur bu) to pin down the linga that symbolizes the demon; as well as certain steps involved in the visualization (e.g., stab with needle). These are different from the Yuhu shen qiuxi both in terms of techniques and goals, as the Yuhu shen qiuxi aims to bring illness and death to the actual enemy. In short, the essence of the killing techniques of the Nyingma terton system (mostly in the ‘eight practices’ [Tib. bka’ brgyad] of Mahāyoga) lies in liberating the consciousness of the killed figure. For this reason, sgrol ba is translated as ‘liberative killing.’ See Cantwell, ‘To Meditate upon Consciousness as Vajra,’ 107–118.

59. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 6: 42–59.

60. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 5: 31.

61. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 6: 45.

62. In the dialect of the Hexi Corridor during the Tangut period, o 哦 has an initial constant ng with the g being a plosive; it is transcribed phonetically as ŋga. Liaised with li 哩, it is read as liŋga. Thus, liŋga 哩俄 is an appropriate transcription for lingga. If read in the official language of the Yuan Dynasty, as recorded in the Menggu ziyun 蒙古字韻 [Rimes in Mongol Script], li’e 哩俄 would be read as li ŋɔ, which is somewhat unlike lingga. As for the lin’ge 蔺葛, in the Hexi Corridor dialect during the Tangut period, lin 蔺 is read as liə̃; ge 葛 as kaʔ; together, their pronunciation also does not resemble lingga. However, the ge 葛 is commensurate with the ge 噶 that was used later as a ‘transcriptional phoneme.’ According to the Menggu ziyun, this ge 噶 would be read as ka, thus making the pronunciation of the word (i.e., linka) similar to the lingga. Such evolution in the choice of ‘transcriptional phoneme’ (i.e., from liŋga 哩俄 to linka 藺葛) reflects the phonetic changes, implying a separation between the two epochs. I want to thank Du Xuchu 杜旭初 of the Chinese Social Sciences Academy for enlightening me on this point.

63. Because the three lower classes of yoga gradually became marginalized in the history of Indo-Tibetan esoteric Buddhism, as well as due to the increasing dominance of the Anuttarayoga tantras in Tibet, scholars tend to underestimate the importance of the Three Yogas for the formation of the later advanced tantras. As a result, some scholars fail to arrive at a correct interpretation of the Tibetan Dunhuang manuscripts that contain elements bearing on the kriya tantra from the First Dissemination Period. For the discussions on these issues, see Mayer, ‘The Importance of the Underworlds,’ 1–31.

64. Zorin, Buddiyskie, 82–83. Passages that match the linga practice in the Dahei qiuxiu bing zuo fa, which I cited previously, is as follows: he ru ka la phyag ’tshal lo/nag po chen po’i bsnyen pa sngon du song bas/ /las bsbyor bsgrub pa ’dod na/ /bsgrub bya’i rkang rjes pa dang/ chu chen po ’dul ba’i sa dang/ grog ’khar gyi sa dang/ rab Chad shul gyi sa dang/ dur khrod la sogs pa’i bkra mi shes pa’i sa rnams dang/ /tsha ba gsum bsres pa’i de’i ling ka gcig byas la/ ro ras la sogs pa la dug dang tsha dang/ ske tse rnams myi khrag la sogs pa’i snag tsa la myi rkang ’am bya rog gi sgro’i bsnyug gus dgra’o ’i gzugs bris pa’i snying kar/ e’i dbyibs can ’khor lo bris la/ de’i dbus su oM bris pa’i mthar g.yon bskor gyis/ oṃ badzra ma hā kā la ya che ge mo mā ra ya hūṃ hūṃ phaṭ/ zhes pa’i ’go phyir bstan pa ’bri’o/ de nas bdag nyid lhag pa’i lha’i thugs ka dang/ mdun kyi nag po’i thugs ka nas ye shes ’gon po dpag du myed pa spros pas/ bsgrub bya bsrung bar byed pa’i lha gang yin ba de la ’di skad ces/ bde’ mchog du sgogs nas rang gi snying ka nas bde’ mchog spros pas lha dang dbral ba la bsogs pa bya/ des mdun gyi ’gon po’i thugs ka nas ’gon po spros pas dgug gzhug bya’o/ bstan pa ’jig par byed pa’i/ dgra’o srung bar byed pa’i lha khyod tshur nyon/ dgug pa’i sems ldan dgra’o yis/dkon cog bla ma la smod cing/ bstan la sdang zhing sems can tshe’/rnal ’byor ba rnams brnyas ’gyur nas/ dpag tshad stong du lhung ba’i/ dmyal ba’i sdug bsngal myong bar ’gyur/bdag gis myur du bsgral nas ni/ gzugs kyi lha rnams mchod par bgyi’/ khyod kyis bar bar ma byed cig/sdig can dgra’ ’di myur du yongs/ zhes bkra’ bsgros bar bsams la/ de’i lha yang dag par mchod cing ye shes pa yin na rang bzhin gyis gnas su gshegs pa la/ rang la sdu’o/ ’jig rten pa yin na dam la btags la las bcol lo/ bsgrub byed lha de thams cad kyis sangs par bsams la/ de nas ngag du ’di skad ces/ /oṃ badzra ma hā kā la ya che ge mo ā kar sha ya dzaḥ hūṃ hūṃ phaṭ/ ces drag du brjod la/ sprul pa’i ’gon po dpag du myed pa’ spros pas/ skyabs dang bral ba de lcags kyu dang zhags pas snying la nas bkug nas bzungs ste/ tshon cha sna tshogs kyis bdeg cing rang dbang myed par bkug pas/ bris pa’i ling ka la bstims la/ dug dang tse ske dang tsha ba’i chus/ oṃ badzra ma hā kā la che ge mo’i mā ra ya hūṃ hūṃ phaṭ/ ces pas brjod cing brab po/de nas rkang pa nas dril la skud nag gis rgya gram du bskris la/ ling ka’i snying kar bcug la/ yang sgnar bzhin spros pa la sogs pa bya ste/ tshigs rnams dam po rnams su dug rang khrag dang ske tse tsha’i chus sbags pa’i tsher ma btsugs dang ske tse tsha’i chus sbags pa’i tsher ma btsug la/ gu gul nag pos bdug cing dug dang ske tse dang tsha chu sngar bzhin du/ nag po chen po’i sngags sprel tshig dang bcas pas brab po/ de nas nag po chen po la mchod pa dang gtor ma dang bstod pa byang zhing/ las grub par gyis shig ces brjod do/ de bzhin du zhag nyi shu rtsa gcig du nyin mtshan du thun drug du bya’o/

65. Foshuo Damolizhi pusa jing, T no. 1257, 21: 1.264b10–29.

66. Ibid, 3.270a20–25.

67. See Sperling, ‘rTsa-mi li-tsa-ba Sangs-rgyas grags-pa,’ 801–824. For a discussion on the name and identity of Sangs rgyas grags pa, see Solonin, ‘Jin’gang Bore keci jingsong yijie zuanyao,’ 93–101. For a discussion on Song ba xing san li jie zhang guang zhengjue baochang shi, see Gao, ‘Xuanmi dishi yu Wusheng shangshi,’ 31–40.

68. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 5: 117.

69. Sun et al., Xixia wen, 269.

70. Solonin, Jin’gang, 93–101.

71. On the benefits of ‘contemplating on the emptiness’ and of reciting mantras, the Dashouyin peijiao yaomen has detailed explanation. Dasheng yaodao miji, vol. 4: 53–54.

72. Ecang Heishui cheng wenxian, vol. 3: 73–77.