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Abstract
This article seeks to unfold the role of self-perception in the foreign policy-making of small states. Debating the expectations of the mainstream literature, the author introduces the concept of the identity of smallness, namely an actor’s perception of its own size and weakness in the international arena as a factor which predominantly shapes its foreign policy and tests the theory on the case of Hungary and Slovakia. Analysing the most important strategic documents as manifestations of self-perception, the study concludes that the identity of Slovakia and Hungary regarding their size is markedly different which enables them to conduct different foreign policies in practice despite their systemically similar situations.
Acknowledgement
The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the author. They do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of the Corvinus University of Budapest and the Institute for Foreign Affairs and Trade.
Notes
1. Although many consider identity as an independent variable explaining policy outcomes (as the dependent variable) the model outlined here considers the notion as an intermediator between material determinants (size) and foreign policy behaviour.
2. The neorealist theory argues that such circumstances limit the foreign policy courses of small states to basically three possibilities: a passive (which is based on the idea that smallness deprives the state of any kind of foreign policy capacities), an active (which aims to reduce the disparity between the state and its environment) and a defensive foreign policy (which concentrates on internal growth, while the sole purpose of the foreign policy is identified as the maintenance of the status quo) (Vital Citation1967). Using the analogy of a jungle for the international system, Schweiler wrote that two options are available for small states: to play the role of lambs – weak entities with the sole purpose of survival – and jackals – which is another expression to describe bandwagoning (Calenzo and Muhindo Citation2011). Another, neoliberal option for small states is to join international organisations, strengthen international law and support peaceful ways of settling disputes (Keohane Citation2006).
3. Surveys and experiments are better ways of investigating group or national identity than state identity.
4. We have chosen national security and foreign policy strategies as the clearest and most relevant documents in which one can identify the decision-making elite’s perception of the country’s role, weight and position vis-á-vis its external environment.
5. Only the 2015 data are included in the chart due to the lack of space, nonetheless the data from the previous two and a half decades verify the hypothesis too.
6. For example by references to the “thousand-years old” Hungarian statehood (Antall Citation2016) and to the “way designated by Saint Stephen” (Jeszenszky Citation1998).
7. This experience is quite similiar to that of Slovakia.
8. During the era of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1867–1918), the Hungarian elite was only able to influence decision-making processes without the desired level of independence, especially in the field of foreign and security policy. Therefore, even in more than half of the twentieth century, the Hungarian nation lacked complete independence and autonomy (during the periods of 1900–1918 and 1945–1990).
9. Although these debates were much more important in the case of Slovakia, the Hungarian political elite and society did also have to come to form a modern-day independent identity and a collective historical narrative.
10. Described extensively by the authors cited in Part 1.
11. We considered the term “guarantee” as a prevailing notion vis-á-vis other terms such as “contributing,” “important role,” “cornerstone,” etc.
12. Q5 derives from the theoretical observation that small states are exposed to their environment to a great extent which they cannot alter.
13. Q6 represents the theoretical expectation that due to their size and capacities, small states have geographically limited interests and shoud focus almost solely to their direct environment.
14. Nonetheless we did not want to attach different weights since every quantitative ratio between them would have been highly arbitrary.
15. “The Slovak Republic belongs among the smaller European countries who lack certain energy resources and raw materials. (…) These circumstances, together with an openness of its economy, predetermine the Slovak Republic to be more active in the field of political and economic co-operation” (ISN Citation2016).
16. “The Slovak Republic ranks among smaller countries with limited military power, seen from both the world´s and European perspective. Slovakia’s geographic location, limited energy and mineral resources, the structure of its economy and the historical development link Slovakia economically, politically and culturally to countries integrated in the European Union, NATO, the Central European Free Trade Agreement and the European Free Trade Association. The Slovak Republic must develop its future in cooperation with these countries” (ISN Citation2016).
17. On the other hand, the foreign and defence policy documents of 2011 and 2013 scored much higher results (3 and 5 out of 6), which shows the fluid notion of the Slovakian identity.
18. “It is said that smaller countries must always first look around themselves before they decide (…) this is also an advice of many politicians to Slovakia,” see SIIS Citation2002, 7.
19. Citatations referred to the sources designated as SIIS or SFPA are from political speeches summarized in the yearbook of the foreign policy think-tank.
20. Which was expressed almost with the same words by Lajcák (SFPA Citation2009, 13) and Dzurinda (SFPA Citation2011, 5).
21. According to Lajos Kósa, a prominent figure of the winning right-wing Fidesz party, the turnout of the election shows that voters rejected the “dream” of Kovács to be small (Magyar Nemzet Citation2010).
22. The anomaly of the Meciar-era was described above. According to our view, its existence is not contradictory to our hypothesis, it just shows that due to the ongoing process of identity formation, there is a higher chance for alternative state identities to evolve.
23. See Lőrincz (Citation2013); Benakova (Citation2013), Sagát (Citation2008).
24. For example the activities of Miroslav Mojzita or Miroslav Lajcák.
25. For example the activities of the Mojzita-led Slovakian Embassy in Belgrade or the so-called Bratislava-process.
26. In the framework of the SlovakAid, 40% of all resources were targeted to the Western Balkans.
27. Data obtained from the website of Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs of the Slovak Republic (Citation2016) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade of Hungary (Citation2016).