Rape myth acceptance among undergraduate students at the University of Zambia

Abstract

Sexual violence is a major social and public health problem in various sectors of society including institutions of higher education. Several measures have been put in place to combat the vice; however, it continues to prevail in various sectors of society. The study investigated the extent of Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA) among undergraduate students and determines the relationship between demographic factors, awareness of campus sexual violence, and rape myth acceptance. A mixed method approach was used and data was collected using a questionnaire and an interview guide. Using the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMAS), the study has revealed that the students endorsed rape myths in subtle ways. The study also found that there were statistically significant differences in levels of RMA between gender, year of study, and knowing someone who was sexually harassed and RMA. There were no statistically significant differences in the levels of RMA based on attending a sexual violence workshop and knowing someone who was raped and RMA and there was no correlation between age and RMA. The study recommends the implementation of targeted education programs that challenge subtle rape myths, tailored to different genders and year levels and establish peer education initiatives and provide continuous monitoring to adapt strategies effectively.

Keywords:

• Rape myths
• rape culture
• sexual violence

REVIEWING EDITOR:

• Joe Thomas, Institute of Health and Management, Australia

SUBJECTS:

• General Science
• Postmodernism of Cultural Theory
• Gender

1. Introduction

The pervasive nature of sexual violence continues to prevail in various sectors of society. Although all people are susceptible to experiencing sexual violence, it is gendered in the way that girls and women are much more likely to be victims than boys and men. Women are disproportionality affected by sexual violence along with other marginalized groups such as persons living with disabilities and people living in conflict areas (ISTSS, 2018; Kuo et al., 2018; Sida, 2015). Rape myth acceptance (RMA) refers to the acceptance of a complex set of socio-cultural beliefs that sustain and promote sexual violence against women (Brownmiller, 1974; Schwendinger & Schwendinger, 1974). While this definition highlights the socio-cultural dimension and its role in perpetuating sexual violence against women, it overlooks the fact that rape myths can also affect perceptions and treatment of male and non-binary victims. Additionally, it does not address the specific content of these myths, such as victim-blaming, disbelief of victims, minimization of the severity of rape, and the excusal of perpetrators.

According to World Health Organization (WHO), globally, one out of every three women has been a victim of physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence. Sexual violence has considerable regional variations, with the African region having the greatest rate of sexual violence among women (Kuo et al., 2018). It continues to be a prevalent vice in Zambia particularly (Muzyamba, 2021) where 39% of women aged between 15 and 49 years old have experienced either physical or sexual violence according to the Demographic and Health Survey (DHS) of 2018, which further revealed that sexual violence was frequently underreported in the country (Zambia Statistical Agency, 2019). Additionally, the Gender Status Report of 2017 – 2019 found that women in Zambia accounted for the 79% of the total 25,121 incidents of gender-based violence documented in 2019, while men accounted for 21% only (Ministry of Gender, 2021). Survivors of sexual violence experience a multitude of psychological disorders and are at risk of engaging in health-risk behaviors coupled with significant challenges of coming forward and receiving support (ISTSS, 2018). Several other challenges for survivors included a variety of sexual and reproductive health issues, including sexually transmitted illnesses, unsafe abortion and sexual dysfunction (Jewkes & Dartnall, 2008; Kuo et al., 2018).

Women face a specific combination of vulnerabilities on university campuses, including exposure to and experience of violence such as sexual assault, stalking, intimate relationship violence or dating violence, and sexual harassment (UN Women, 2020). Sexual harassment was found to be a problem at the University of Zambia with 57% of respondents indicating their awareness of its occurrence (Menon et al., 2014). Furthermore, Kampyongo et al. (2017) found that in the various categories of the university community, 37% of the participants reported having experienced sexual harassment. Chinyama et al. (2020) also found that dating violence among students at the university is perpetuated by physical assault, sexual abuse, psychological and emotional abuse, and verbal abuse. One of the most common vices experienced by female students at the University of Zambia was sexual abuse. Unlike previous studies, the study also revealed that men were also victims of dating violence, particularly physical violence since it is still socially acceptable for women to be physically violent toward men in relationships.

Humphreys and Towl (2020) identified two forms of risk factors associated with sexual violence in institutions of higher education, that is, individual and community risk factors. Communities lacking effective mechanisms for curbing sexual violence, failing to have effective guardians, and promoting, endorsing, or tolerating rape culture are the most common community risk factors. Rape myth acceptance (RMA), a lack of empathy for rape victim-survivors, personal use of alcohol, hostility toward women, and hyper-masculinity are among the most commonly cited individual risk factors. This study investigated rape myth acceptance as an individual risk factor to sexual violence.

Studies on rape myth acceptance have been conducted in the United States (U.S) and similar western countries (Burt, 1980; Edwards et al., 2011; Iconis, 2008; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010; Yapp & Quayle, 2018) and a few have been conducted in countries outside of the U.S (Lee et al., 2010; Qureshi et al., 2020) and even fewer studies have been conducted in the Southern African region (Matthews et al., 2018). Despite the geographical and cultural differences in which the studies were conducted, common themes arise in these studies and that is rape myths exist and they manifest into a rape culture that perpetuates sexual violence by placing blame on the victim and exonerating the perpetrator.

Rape myths exist generally within various institutions including institutions of higher learning (Edwards et al., 2011) and are largely expressed in subtle ways through language or attitudes that hold myths about the occurrence of sexual violence, victims of sexual violence and perpetrators of sexual violence (O’Connor et al., 2018). Victim blaming and justification for perpetrators are both indicators of rape myths. Rape myths are often subtle and sometimes concealed as “jokes” in day-to-day conversations among people and they can also be explicitly stated. Walfield (2018) found that rape myths about both female and male victims functioned similarly and the myth that “men cannot be raped” was associated with men and older participants. Some commonly identified rape myths about sexual violence experienced by women include myths such as “women ask to be raped” often referring to women who are described as promiscuous, wearing clothes that are considered ‘provocative’ or being in a particular place at a particular time for example walking alone at night. Another myth is that “women lie about rape” to possibly hide embarrassment or get revenge on a former partner (Edwards et al., 2011; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). In addition, other examples of rape myths include “rape as a crime of passion”, and “rapists being strangers” (Crall & Goodfriend, 2016), and sexually experienced women and victims who experience intimate partner or acquaintance rape are not significantly psychologically harmed by rape (Iconis, 2008). Other rape myths include the false belief that defilement (rape) of a child cures HIV/AIDS and that it cannot be considered rape if the incident occurred between spouses (marital rape). According to the 2021 United Nations Population Fund’s (UNFPA) report on the State of the World Population, forty – three countries have no legislation that address marital rape.

In a cross-country study conducted in India, Japan and the United States on ‘Rape Myth Acceptance among College Students’, it is revealed that acceptance or non-acceptance of rape myths is one of the main drivers of sexual assault offender behavior among college students (Stephens et al., 2016). The study by Stephens and colleagues also revealed cultural and gender differences in rape myth acceptance among college students. Cultural and gender variations are further reinforced by a cross-country study conducted in Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa and the U. S by Fakunmoju et al. (2019). Results of the aforementioned study revealed that among the four countries involved, Nigeria was the most likely and the US was the least likely country to accept rape myths. It was also noted that the results of these studies differed among countries due to the differences in the context and understanding of rape myths in each country. Qureshi et al. (2020) and Sebastian et al. (2015) found that both female and male students in India endorsed rape myths, with male students being more receptive of rape myths than female students. This supports the findings of Stephens et al. (2016), who observed that Indian students were more prone to believe rape myths than students in the United States and Japan. Apart from demographic characteristics, the research conducted among Indian students also provided additional insight into other elements that influence rape myth acceptability. The study conducted by Qureshi and colleagues also showed that increased rape myth acceptance was associated with low self-control, anti-social behaviors, and sexist beliefs (Qureshi et al., 2020). In another study conducted in Bangladesh it was found that increased rape myth acceptability was associated with hostile attitudes toward rape survivors (Sebastian et al., 2015) among the male respondents in particular.

Differences between countries can be attributed to the differences in traditional cultures that prevail in societies generally and often shape a society’s gender norms. In a study conducted among college students in South Korea, it was found that sexual double standards as well as attitudes towards women were stronger predictors of rape myth acceptability (Lee et al., 2010). Contrary to studies conducted in the U.S and other countries, the study employed the Korean Rape Myth Acceptance Scale – Revised (KRMAS-R) which consists of four factors, namely; rape survivor myths, rape perpetrator myths, myths about the impact of rape and rape spontaneity. These measures are similar to those of the IRMAS; however, the KRMAS contains the cultural contexts which are expressed through items that reflect principals of preserving the chastity of women in Korean culture and the consequences of not adhering to such ideals.

In a study conducted among Southern African Social Work students, it was found that differences in the levels of rape myth acceptance based on nationality, with Zimbabwean students being the least likely to embrace rape myths when compared to students from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Namibia, Nigeria, and Zambia (Matthews et al., 2018). Despite the diverse and unique cultures and traditions of these countries, participants shared in the common practice of traditional gender norms rooted in patriarchal beliefs and reflected in the various levels of rape myth acceptance. Finally, in the investigation of rape myth acceptance and experience of gender based violence in South Africa, it was found that there were relatively low levels of rape myth acceptance among students. Ethnicity, however, along with gender were found to be indicators of rape myth acceptance. The study found that female respondents and African men who had experienced gender based violence were less likely to accept rape myths, but this was not the case for white men (Finchilescu & Dugard, 2018).

1.1. Contribution of the study

This study will contribute to the realization of the policy commitments that seek to combat violence against women. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), particularly SDG-5 on achieving gender equality; target 5.2 which aims to ‘eliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres, including trafficking and sexual and other types of exploitation’ is one such commitment. The Maputo Protocol in Article IV.2 (a) – The Rights to Life, Integrity and Security of the Person and Article XII.1(a)(c) – Right to Education and Training, further reinforce the need to eliminate violence against women and ensure women’s safety in private and public spaces including institutions of higher learning (Ocran, 2007). At the national level, Zambia developed the Anti – Gender Based Violence Act of 2011 which provides guidelines for protection of victims and prosecution of perpetrators and the Gender Equity and Equality Act of 2015 Part IV, Article 19(2) demonstrate the country’s commitment to ensuring women’s participation in the social, political, and economic spheres. The study also contributes to the scanty body of literature on rape myth acceptance among university students in Zambia. This study is useful to inform campus sexual violence prevention strategies and programs. Furthermore, information from this study is useful in informing programming for feminists and other organizations working to address issues of sexual violence, dismantle rape culture, and debunk rape myths.

2. Methods

2.1. Ethics statement

Ethical clearance was obtained from the University of Zambia School of Humanities and Social Sciences Research Ethics Committee. Participants were informed about the research and participation was solely voluntary. None of the questions in the questionnaire included identifiable details of the participants thereby maintaining the anonymity of the participants.

2.2. Study design

A mixed method approach was adopted in this research study. This design was chosen because it allowed for integration of quantitative and qualitative data. A mixed method approach emphasizes on the strengths of both qualitative and quantitative research methods while mitigating the limitations of one method against the other (Creswell, 2009). In this research study, a concurrent embedded strategy was adopted. The quantitative data served as the primary method of informing the investigation and the qualitative data provided a supportive role in informing the extent of rape myth acceptance, that is, the qualitative method was embedded into the quantitative method. Embedding qualitative data into the quantitative data enhanced the research study by allowing participants to share their perspectives that could not otherwise be captured in quantitative data and therefore this strategy provided the investigation a deeper understating of the extent of rape myth acceptance.

2.3. Study population

The population of the study included all university students at the University of Zambia, Main Campus in Lusaka with a total population of approximately 13, 500 full time students enrolled in 2020 (MOE, 2020). The population was critical in understanding the extent of rape myth acceptance given the prevalence of incidents of sexual violence at the campus.

2.4. Sampling technique

A sample of undergraduate students enrolled and accommodated at the University of Zambia main campus during the 2021/2022 academic year was drawn using a simple random sampling technique. A simple random sampling technique was used to collect quantitative data because it gave each element in the population an equal chance of being selected and therefore offered a representative sample (Onwuegbuzi & Collins, 2007). Convenience sampling was used to obtain qualitative data which from participants who were available and willing to participate in the research study.

2.5. Sample size

The sample used in this study was 166 students. The sample size was calculated using Cochran’s (1977) formula; $$n_0=\frac{z^2\mathit{\text{pq}}}{e^2}$$ where $n_0$ is the sample size, $\left(Z\right)$ is the critical value, p is the expected prevalence, q = 1-p and e is the margin of error. Given a 99% confidence level with $\pm 0.1$ margin of error, p = 0.5, and therefore q = 1-0.5 = 0.5 the desired sample size was calculated as follows; $$n_0=\frac{{\left(2.58\right)}^2\left(0.5\right)\left(0.5\right)}{{\left(0.1\right)}^2}=166.41=166\mathrm{ }\mathrm{\text{Students}}$$

The total population of students accommodated at the Great East Road campus was 3,294 (N = 3,294). Since $\frac{n_0}{N}$ is negligible therefore the above calculation served as an appropriate approximation of a sample size and does not require to be adjusted for the stated finite population (Sarmah et al., 2013).

2.6. Data collection tools and methods

Primary data was collected through a questionnaire and face to face interviews while secondary data was also collected through academic research articles, journals, reports, official government documents and books in order to complement the primary data that served to inform literature on rape myths, rape myth acceptance and sexual violence. The questionnaire consisted of closed ended questions which allowed for quantification of the data. This instrument was also chosen because of its efficiency in collecting data on a large scale in a cost efficient and timely manner. By using a questionnaire, respondents were able to maintain their anonymity in so doing allowing them to respond freely and respond to questions during their own free time. A questionnaire however has some limitations; respondents may answer according to what they think can be socially acceptable instead of indicating their own perspective (Zoharabi, 2013). In spite of these limitations, a questionnaire presented a practical way of collecting quantitative data within a student population. The questionnaire adopted was the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale by McMahon and Farmer (2011). The scale was adopted due to its use in research among student populations. The IRMAS was modified and tested in a population of undergraduate students and was tested and found to be a valid scale in countries such as Nigeria (Fakunmoju et al., 2018) and India (Das & Bhattacharjee, 2021).

An interview guide was also used to collect qualitative data which enabled participants to express their thoughts and opinions in their own words. The interview guide allowed for quick response through face to face interviews and also enabled the researcher to probe. Interviews however are costly and time consuming (Zoharabi, 2013). Despite these limitations an interview guide presented a way of collecting qualitative data.

2.7. Data analysis

An embedded strategy was adopted in the current research study. The quantitative data served as the primary method of informing the investigation and the qualitative data provided a supportive role in informing the extent of rape myth acceptance, that is, the qualitative method was embedded into the quantitative method. Data was collected simultaneously and analyzed separately.

Quantitative data was coded, entered, cleaned and analysed using IBM Statistical Packages of Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20. SPPS allowed for coding quantitative data and generating descriptive statistics involving frequencies, percentages of data and analysis of variance. This software enabled the summary of the data into frequencies and percentages that were presented in graphs and tables. Qualitative data was analysed as follows. The interviews were transcribed and analysed themes were identified. Responses were typed and presented in quotations exactly as stated by the respondent. Data was then grouped into similar categories of responses. The qualitative data analysis enabled the researcher to present the perspectives of the participants in the exact manner they expressed themselves.

2.8. Limitations

The limitations of the study include the use of only one public university, UNZA, therefore findings of the study may not be generalized to students in other universities. However, the university being the oldest and largest is host of students from various social, economic and cultural backgrounds from all around the country thereby proving a diverse sample of students.

3. Results

3.1. Demographics of participants

The demographic of the participants included age, gender and year of study. The results showed that 89.9% of participants were aged between 18 and 24 years old while 10.1% were aged between 25 and 28 years with the mean age of the participants being 21.74 years. The sample consisted of 60.4% female respondents and 39.6% male respondents. Finally, of the total participants, 31.2% were first-year students, 16.3% second-year students, 15.7% third-year students, 30.1%fourth-year students and 6.6% fifth-year students.

3.2. Rape myth acceptance

The extent of rape myth acceptance was measured using the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMAS). The Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale consists of 22 statements and is measured on a Likert Scale. The five-point Likert scale is measured from one to five with one representing strongly agree, two indicating agree, three indicating neutral, four indicating disagree and five indicating strongly disagree. By this measure, higher scores indicate greater rejection of rape myths while lower scores indicate greater acceptance of rape myths. The IRMA scale is further divided into four subscales; that is, ‘She asked for it’, ‘He didn’t mean to’, ‘It wasn’t really rape’ and ‘She lied’ (Table 1).

Table 1. Percentage and frequency of responses of individual IRMAS statements.

		% (F) Responses
IRMA Scale		1	2	3	4	5
	Subscale: She asked for it
1	If a girl is raped while she is drunk, she is at least somewhat responsible for letting things get out of hand.	7.2(12)	17.5(29)	19.3(32)	28.3(47)	27.7(46)
2	When girls go to parties wearing slutty clothes, they are asking for trouble.	9.6(16)	18.7(31)	17.5(29)	32.5(54)	21.7(36)
3	If a girl goes to a room alone with a guy at a party, it is her own fault if she is raped.	4.2(7)	14.5(24)	23.6(39)	37.0(61)	20.6(34)
4	If a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble	13.3(22)	38.2(63)	20.6(34)	19.4(32)	8.5(14)
5	When girls get raped, it’s often because the way they said “no” was unclear.	1.2(2)	6.1(10)	10.4(17)	29.4(48)	52.8(86)
6	If a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex.	17.7(29)	39.0(64)	19.5(32)	13.4(22)	10.4(17)
	Subscale: He didn’t mean to
7	When guys rape, it is usually because of their strong desire for sex	16.4(27)	29.7(49)	12.1(20)	24.2(40)	17.6(29)
8	Guys don’t usually intend to force sex on a girl, but sometimes they get too sexually carried away.	7.9(13)	26.2(43)	25.0(41)	26.8(44)	14.0(23)
9	Rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control.	13.3(22)	26.7(44)	15.2(25)	25.5(42)	19.4(32)
10	If a guy is drunk, he might rape someone unintentionally.	4.3(7)	16.0(26)	15.3(25)	32.5(53)	31.9(52)
11	It shouldn’t be considered rape if a guy is drunk and didn’t realize what he was doing.	1.2(2)	1.8(3)	16.4(27)	30.9(51)	49.7(82)
12	If both people are drunk, it can’t be rape	4.9(8)	14.0(23)	32.9(54)	25.0(41)	23.2(38)
	Subscale: It wasn’t really rape
13	If a girl doesn’t physically resist sex—even if protesting verbally—it can’t be considered rape.	3.0(5)	22.6(37)	13.4(22)	26.8(44)	34.1(56)
14	If a girl doesn’t physically fight back, you can’t really say it was rape.	3.0(5)	11.6(19)	9.8(16)	33.5(55)	42.1(69)
15	A rape probably doesn’t happen if a girl doesn’t have any bruises or marks.	3.0(5)	3.6(6)	7.2(12)	31.3(52)	54.8(91)
16	If the accused “rapist” doesn’t have a weapon, you really can’t call it rape.	2.4(4)	1.8(3)	1.8(3)	21.2(35)	72.7(120)
17	If a girl doesn’t say “no” she can’t claim rape	9.2(15)	26.4(43)	19.6(32)	22.1(36)	22.7(37)
	Subscale: She lied
18	A lot of times, girls who say they were raped agreed to have sex and then regret it.	3.0(5)	15.2(25)	26.1(43)	24.8(41)	30.9(51)
19	Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at guys	4.2(7)	9.0(15)	36.1(60)	28.3(47)	22.3(37)
20	A lot of times, girls who say they were raped often led the guy on and then had regrets.	0.6(1)	9.0(15)	31.3(52)	35.5(59)	23.5(39)
21	A lot of times, girls who claim they were raped have emotional problems.	10.3(17)	9.1(15)	12.1(20)	33.3(55)	35.2(58)
22	Girls who are caught cheating on their boyfriends sometimes claim it was rape.	2.4(4)	19.9(33)	25.3(42)	25.9(43)	26.5(44)

Source: Fieldwork Survey 2022.

The results showed that respondents disagreed or strongly disagreed with fifteen out of the twenty-two statements on the IRMAS. The highest frequency on neutral responses were recorded on statement 12 (If both people are drunk, it can’t be rape) at 32.9% and statement 19 (Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at guys) at 36.1%. On the other hand, the highest percentage scores in agreement were recorded on statements 4 (If a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble) showed that 38.2% of respondents agreed to the statement; 6 (If a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex) showed that 39.0% of respondents agreed; 7 (When guys rape, it is usually because of their strong desire for sex) showed that 29.7% agreed with the statement, 9 (Rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control) showed that 26.7% agreed with the statement and 17 (If a girl doesn’t say “no” she can’t claim rape) showed that 26.4% of the respondents agreed with the statement.

3.2.1. She asked for it

During the interviews the students expressed that the way female students dressed was not a reason for them to experience sexual harassment. They felt that how women dressed was an expression of the fashion of their interest. Furthermore, respondents stated that how women dressed was not the reason they experienced sexual violence because there are women who have experienced sexual violence even when they did not wear provocative clothing.

One student stated that;

“…dressing provocatively is their (women) choice and that doesn’t mean they are asking to be sexually harassed” (4^th year, male student).

“No they are not, we all choose how we feel like dressing on a daily basis men included…” (Female student)

“…because that’s what I put on, I don’t think it means I should be sexually harassed” (2^nd year, female)

“…some people are not really traditional…if everyone used to wear long things why are they still raped?” (3^rd year, female student)

3.2.2. He didn’t mean to

In addition to perceptions of women’s dressing and their experiences of sexual violence, the students interviewed in this study described men as more sexually active than their female counterparts. This was in relation with sub scale 2 on the IRMAS. When participants were asked if the thought that guys have a strong desire for sex that it sometimes causes them to force girls into having sex with them, the following were their responses;

“I think men are more sexually active cause when a man just sees you are dressed in a way that is very exposing (body) they are easily aroused such that they think of being intimate with someone there and then” (1^st year, female student)

“Yes men are visually aroused most of the time it’s more like a reflex when they see a short skirt or anything that’s just sexually arousing to them even without touching it for them it’s very much easier to be aroused so meaning that their sexual desire is usually higher than that of a female…” (3^rd year, female student)

3.2.3. It wasn’t really rape

During the interviews, participants further shared their perceptions of some of the statements presented in the IRMAS. Participants were also asked what they thought about a scenario where ‘If a girl doesn’t physically resist sex—even if protesting verbally—it can’t be considered rape’ and their responses were as follows; one student respondent stated that

“It should be considered as rape, what if the girl is not in the position to physically fight then what. We hear of men raping a nine-year-old, three months old baby and so on, how you expect a child at that age to physically fight a man?” (3^rd year, female student)

“I feel like it would still be considered rape because this person said no. They didn’t accept it because she said no that should be reason enough for you to not actually do it with this person. If I just don’t want whether I physically pushed you or just said it, it’s still rape because I said I did not want” (female student)

“It still is considered rape as rape is having sexual intercourse with someone without their consent” (first year student)

3.2.4. She lied

Furthermore, the participants expressed that women could lie about experiencing sexual violence sometimes because they are ashamed or caught cheating on their partner. Students described various instances in which they felt women could lie about having experienced sexual violence. Participants were asked their opinions on the statement ‘If a girl is caught cheating on their boyfriend; sometimes they claim it was rape’ and the following were their responses. One student stated that;

“Sometimes it’s true that she was raped and sometimes it’s just a thing that women do just to get lenience” (male student)

“I feel most of them just lie to get away with it (cheating) I feel they also wanted but they were just caught so they just say I was raped” (female student)

“I think someone would lie that they were raped but the actual sense is they were cheating. I remember a certain lady and a certain man they were together and then this lady was caught cheating. They were in a relationship and then she was intimate with three guys at the same time because of finances but she ended up lying to the guy that “I wasn’t actually cheating I was forced to do this. So women tend to lie at times just to be clean” (female student)

These perceptions provided additional insights into the respondents understanding of rape myths in addition to the descriptive statistics presented. The results from the analysis indicate that on overall undergraduate students at the university reject rape myth. However, it is worth noting some statements (4 - If a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble, 6 - If a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex., 7 - When guys rape, it is usually because of their strong desire for sex, 9 - Rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control and 17 - If a girl doesn’t say “no” she can’t claim rape) within the Illinois Rape Myth acceptance scale to which majority of students agreed with.

3.3. Demographic factors and rape myth acceptance

This section presents the findings of the relationship between demographic factors and rape myth acceptance. The demographic factors investigated were the age, gender and year of study of the students.

3.3.1. Age and rape myth acceptance

A Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient was computed to assess the relationship between age and rape myth acceptance. The results indicate that there was no correlation between age and rape myth acceptance (r = 0.04, p = 0.585).

3.3.2. Gender and rape myth acceptance

An independent samples t-test, assuming equal variance, was conducted to analyse the relationship between gender and rape myth acceptance. The results indicated that female respondents were less accepting of rape myths compared to male respondents. Additionally, there was a statistically significant difference in the level of rape myth acceptance between female (M = 3.74, SD = 0.587) and male (M = 3.32, SD = 0.543) respondents; t (162) = 4.58, p = 0.000009.

3.3.3. Year of study and rape myth acceptance

To investigate the relationship between rape myth acceptance and the year of study of the respondents, an analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted. The result indicates there were statistically significant differences in the levels of rape myth acceptance at the p < 0.05 level for the year of study [F (4, 161) = 5.00, p = 0.001]. Table 2 below shows the ANOVA results of the IRMA scale by year of study of the respondents. Post hoc comparisons using the Turkey HSD test indicated that the differences in mean scores between 1^st year (M = 3.34, SD = 0548) and 2^nd year (M = 3.87, SD = 0.571) respondents were statistically significant as well as the mean scores between 1^st year (M = 3.34, SD = 0548) and 3^rd year (M = 3.74, SD = 0.473) respondents at the 0.05 level. On the other hand, the mean scores between the 4^th year (M = 3.63, SD = 0.625) and the other three groups as well as the 5^th year (M = 3.36, SD = 0.707) respondents and the other three groups were not statistically significant.

Table 2. ANOVA of IRMAS by year of study.

	Sum of Squares	df	Mean Square	F	Sig
Between Groups	6.658	4	1.665	5.004	.001
Within Groups	53.551	161	.333
Total	60.209	165

Source: Fieldwork Survey 2022.

3.4. Awareness of campus sexual violence and rape myth acceptance

This section presents the findings of students’ awareness of sexual violence and the relationship between awareness of sexual violence and rape myth acceptance. The research investigated awareness through workshops or orientation programs and knowing someone who has experience sexual violence on campus.

Participants were asked if they had attended a workshop or orientation on sexual violence on campus and the results indicated that 16.3% of the participants attended an orientation or workshop about sexual violence while 77.1% did not attend any orientation or workshop about sexual violence and 6.6% do not remember attending an orientation program or workshop about sexual violence. The study further investigated the relationship between attending a workshop/orientation program on campus sexual violence and Rape Myth Acceptance. An independent sample test was conducted to investigate the relationship between respondents who attended a workshop or orientation program about campus sexual violence and the level of rape myth acceptance. The results indicated that respondents who attended a workshop/orientation about campus sexual violence were more accepting of rape myths as compared to those who did not. Additionally, a t-test for equality of means indicated that there was no statistically significant difference in the level of rape myth acceptance between respondents who attended a workshop/orientation about campus sexual violence (M = 3.49, SD = 3.49) and those who did not (M = 3.61, SD = 0.604); t (153) = −0.97, p = 0.33.

3.4.1. Perceptions of sexual violence

Participants were also asked if they were aware of incidents of sexual violence on campus and if they knew someone who was raped or sexually harassed on campus. The results revealed that students were aware of incidents of sexual violence among students and particularly within relationships and also between students and university staff members. When asked their views of sexual violence on the campus, one participant stated that;

“There are quite a number of sexual harassment cases on this campus and I feel not much attention is given to such cases” (4^th year, female student).

“sexual violence here on campus I think it’s there not only amongst students but I think even some lecturers are involved in it where they persuade or maybe where they tell students to have sexual intercourse with them in exchange of getting good grades” (2^nd year, female student).

“I have heard quite a number of sexual harassment and GBV cases on campus and one of them was in an incident that happened at Zambezi 4 hostels. A girl visited a male friend’s room and upon the visit the guy demanded for sex from the girl and the girl refused but the guy locked the door and tried to rape the girl. The girl resisted by calling for help and she was rescued by monks but unfortunately no action was taken upon the guy who tried to rape the girl” (4^th year, male student).

“In terms of people who are dating, sexual abuse in a relationship it triggers mental health especially involving school, you stop concentrating because you have to please your partner the one abusing you so that they cannot abuse you and it makes you restrain from a lot of things” (3^rd Year, female student)

In addition to perceptions of sexual violence on campus, the respondents were asked if they knew someone who had experienced sexual violence on the campus and 9.6% of respondents knew someone who was raped on campus while 90.4% of respondents indicated they did not know someone who was raped on campus. 42.4% of respondents knew someone who was sexually harassed on campus while 57.6% of the respondents did not know someone who was sexually harassed. Additionally, the relationship between knowing someone who was raped/sexually harassed on campus and Rape Myth Acceptance was also investigated. An independent sample test was conducted to investigate the relationship between respondents who knew someone who was raped on campus and the level of rape myth acceptance. The results indicate that respondents who indicated ‘yes’ were less accepting of rape myths compared to those who indicated ‘no’. There were differences in the mean scores between those who knew someone who was raped (M = 3.75, SD = 0.581) and those who did not know someone (M = 3.56, SD = 0.605). However, the difference was not statistically significant; t (164) = 1.23, p = 0.22.

An independent sample test was also conducted to investigate the relationship between respondents who knew someone who had been sexually harassed on campus and the level of rape myth acceptance. The results indicate that respondents who indicated ‘yes’ were less accepting of rape myths compared to those who indicated ‘no’. There were differences in the means scores between those who knew someone who was sexually harassed (M = 3.72, SD = 0.580) and those who did not know someone (M = 3.48, SD = 0.603) with statistically significant differences; t (163) = 2.51, p = 0.01 as shown in Table 3.

Table 3. Independent samples test of IRMAS by knowing someone sexually harassed.

		N	Mean	Std. Deviation	Std. Error Mean
Overall IRMAS	Yes	70	3.72	.580	.069
	No	95	3.48	.603	.062

Table

		Levene’s Test for Equality of Variances		t-test for Equality of Means
		F	Sig	t	df	Sig. (2-tailed)	Mean Difference	Std. Error Difference	95% Confidence Interval of the Difference
									Lower	Upper
Overall IRMAS	Equal variances assumed	.008	.928	2.507	163	.013	.234	.093	.050	.419
	Equal variances not assumed			2.522	151.921	.013	.234	.093	.051	.418

Furthermore, it was found through the interviews, that participants felt that women experienced sexual violence due to their vulnerabilities, lack of financial resources, indecent dressing and controlling behavior by men within relationships. Finally, the results also found that sexual violence can be prevented through raising awareness, encouraging and making it easier to report incidents and male students taking an active role in preventing sexual violence. Participants revealed that they were of the view that women experienced sexual violence due to the vulnerabilities that they faced on campus, lack of financial resources, indecent dressing and controlling behavior by men within relationships. One first year student stated that women experienced sexual violence

“…so that they can exchange good grades with sexual behavior from the school authorities. Sometimes they’re blackmailed into allowing such activities so as not to be failed by a tutor” (2^nd year, female student)

“I think most people are harassed accept it probably because they want money. It’s like people want money so they’d do anything just for money” (2^nd year, female student).

“…I also feel that the other thing is that poverty in general…if a man is abusing me because this person is giving me money they are providing for me so I barely get to see the abuse or the harassment in all that”(3^rd year student).

The results also found that the way women dress, described as indecent dressing was another reason why they experienced sexual violence.

“Many people especially ladies you find they are inappropriately dressed and you are going to meet a male (friend) and you know with males they won’t take as she’s just a friend there’s a certain message it brings out when you dress a certain way and going to meet a male” (3^rd year, female)

“One of the reasons is indecent dressing by women. You find some women on campus dress indecent short clothing which expose their body parts such as thighs, breasts, bums etc. Another reason is women engaging in drug abuse and associating with males who are drug abuses” (1^st year, male).

Another reason identified for women experiencing sexual violence was men’s controlling behavior within relationships;

“Women engage themselves in relationships with guys who feel they are in full control of the girlfriend. They are not allowed to have male friends so anytime they are seen with a male friend they are questioned and if no proper reason is given then end up being beaten leading to GBV” (4^th year, male student)

“I have heard people blame how women dress as to why they are sexually harassed or abused but the violence usually comes in these campus relationships that men feel entitled to controlling everything a women does including who she is found with and if at all the women goes against what he wants they have to face their rage” (4^th Year, female student)

Uniquely, one participant indicated lack of awareness on ones rights as a reason they could experience sexual violence.

“the other reason I think if like you don’t know your rights you can be a victim because if you know your rights and I believe you’d be able to report to someone and talk to someone about it”(2^nd year, female student)

Participants indicated the need for more awareness raising on issues of sexual violence on campus for both students and university staff. It is worth noting that according to the students’ perception of sexual violence, it is women’s dressing or behavior that caused them to experience sexual violence.

The results further showed that 16.3% of the participants attended an orientation or workshop about sexual violence while 77.1% did not attend any orientation or workshop about sexual violence and 6.6% do not remember attending an orientation program or workshop about sexual violence. Furthermore, 9.6% of respondents knew someone who was raped on campus while 90.4% of respondents indicated they did not know someone who was raped on campus and 42.4% of respondents knew someone who was sexually harassed on campus while 57.6% of the respondents did not know someone who was sexually harassed. Finally, the results of the perceptions on sexual violence indicated that students were aware of incidents of sexual violence on campus particularly within relationships. The results also indicate that reasons why women experienced violence was due to their vulnerabilities, lack of financial support, indecent dressing and controlling behavior my men within relationships.

4. Discussion

4.1. Rape myth acceptance among undergraduate students

Similar to the findings of Finchilescu and Dugard (2018), the results of this study indicate that the undergraduate students at the University of Zambia rejected rape myths based on the overall scores of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. However, this seemingly favorable outcome, like earlier research (Crall & Goodfriend, 2016; Huck, 2022), should be perceived with caution. Further analysis revealed that individuals exhibited neutrality and agreement with certain statements. Neutral responses are sometimes provided as an option for respondents who are unsure whether they agree or disagree or are uncomfortable with a statement. This, however, tends to obscure the true nature of respondents’ opinions. In the current study, the majority of the participants expressed neutrality toward statements 12 (If both people are drunk, it can’t be rape) and 19 (Rape accusations are often used as a way of getting back at guys). These two statements correlate with the subscales ‘He didn’t mean to’ and ‘She lied’, respectively. However, it was found that participants expressed disagreement to the statement; ‘guys have a strong desire for sex that it sometimes causes them to force girls into having sex with them’ and agreement to the statement ‘if a girl is caught cheating on their boyfriend, sometimes they claim it was rape’ when asked about their perceptions of the aforementioned statements. Like statements 12 and 19, these two statements also correlate with the ‘He didn’t mean to’ and ‘She lied’ subscales. Making excuses for perpetrators and dismissing survivors of sexual violence are signs of a rape-supportive environment. These findings support Huck’s (2022) conclusion that deeper insights into the investigation of rape myth acceptance reveal the various opinions that participants hold about sexual violence and further alludes to the positive outcomes of getting respondents’ true opinions by eliminating the neutral response option.

The study also revealed that participants were more agreeable with statements 4 (If a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble) and 6 (If a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex) which fall under the ‘She asked for it’ subscale. On the other hand, it was found that majority of respondents disagreed with the statement that ‘If women dressed provocatively then they are asking to be sexually harassed/assaulted’ which similarly falls under the ‘She asked for it’ subscale. They felt that women nowadays dressed as they wished to keep up with fashion that often imitates western culture. However, one of the major reasons cited as a reason why female students experienced sexual violence was indecent dressing. This suggests that even though respondents demonstrate disagreement to how women dress as a reason to experience sexual violence they still believe it is a contributing factor thereby placing the blame on people who may experience sexual violence and not the perpetrator.

Similar to the findings of Lee et al. (2010), students endorsed the myth that acts of sexual violence by men were not intentional and could not be controlled due to their strong desire for sex as reflected in the high agreement to statements 7 and 9. When respondents were asked about their opinion of the statement; ‘guys have a strong desire for sex that it sometimes causes them to force girls into having sex with them’, majority of the respondents expressed disagreement. This is contradictory to the results of the IRMAS in which majority of the respondents indicated agreement with the statements; when guys rape, it is usually because of their strong desire for sex and Rape happens when a guy’s sex drive goes out of control.

Lastly, majority of the respondents expressed agreement to the statement that; ‘if a girl is caught cheating on their boyfriend, sometimes they claim it was rape’, emphasizing that girls sometimes lie about rape for their convenience. This corroborates the findings in the IRMAS where majority of the respondents indicated agreement with the statements; ‘if a girl acts like a slut, eventually she is going to get into trouble’ and ‘if a girl initiates kissing or hooking up, she should not be surprised if a guy assumes she wants to have sex.

4.2. Demographic factors and rape myth acceptance

Demographic characteristics play a key role in understanding the identities of participants. This research study took into account the age, gender and the year of study of undergraduate students at the University of Zambia. The findings indicated no relation between age and rape myth acceptance among undergraduate students at the University. Matthews et al., (2018) on the other hand found that students who were older rejected rape myths as compare to their younger counterparts. Matthew and colleagues attribute these results to the field of study, Social Work, of the participants. In both this research and that of the Southern African Students, the results corroborate the research by Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) that found that age presented mixed results in various researches investigating rape myth acceptance. Age, therefore, was not a significant predictor of rape myth acceptability. It could be investigated as a demographic factor alongside other social, cultural, and economic factors.

Similar to the research studies that investigated the relation between gender and rape myth acceptability (Crall & Goodfriend, 2016; Fakunmoju et al., 2019; Stephens et al., 2016; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010), the findings of this study revealed that female students were less accepting of rape myths in comparison to male students. Further reinforcing the conclusions of Lonsway and Fitzgerald (1994) alluding to the consistency in the relationship between gender and rape myth acceptance and differences in the level of rape myth acceptance between female and male participants in various research studies evaluated. The differences in gender and rape myth acceptability can be attributed to persistent patriarchal norms that perpetuate gender inequalities and thereby reinforce rape myths and uphold a rape culture. These norms are evident in various Zambian cultures presently and historically (Muzyamba, 2021) and continue to manifest within institutions and academic institutions are no exception.

Lastly, the study analyzed the relationship between year of study and rape myth acceptance. According to Matthews et al. (2018) students who had progressed further in their studies were less accepting of rape myths compared to those who had not. The results above show that first year students were more likely to accept or be neutral towards rape myths compared to second year and third year students. Fourth year students were the most likely to reject rape myths. Fifth year students were also likely to accept rape myths compared to second, third and fourth year students. This result however did not present a holistic picture as the sample of fifth year students was significantly less than the other years of study. Unlike the study undertaken by Matthew and colleagues which consisted of Social Work students only, the current study included students from various disciplines and therefore suggests the difference in knowledge about sexual violence. Therefore, it was inferred that progressing higher in education does not guarantee less acceptance of rape myths. This has been corroborated by Crall and Goodfriend (2016) who found a negative correlation between year of study and the level of rape myth acceptance. Students’ beliefs and attitudes can be influenced by other factors other than the ones mentioned above. Socialization among peer groups, religious beliefs, sexual behaviours and social and political identities could influence how students perceive and respond to sexual violence.

4.3. Students’ awareness of campus sexual violence and RMA

Peers are often the first point of contact when someone experiences sexual violence. Within university campuses, peers are often working closely with the institution to provide services to their fellow students. In the case of the University of Zambia, UNZA Response is charged with providing on-campus peer education. Therefore, students’ perceptions of rape myths are vital in understanding how peers relate with one another in the face of sexual violence. Students also learn about sexual violence through various forms of social media, news articles, outreach programs and workshops provided within and out the campus. In this particular study, students’ awareness of campus sexual violence was investigated through information shared gained from workshops or orientation meetings on campus, knowing someone who had been raped and/or sexually harassed on campus and perceptions of campus sexual violence.

Workshops on sexual violence prevention often cover issues of consent, bodily autonomy, mechanisms for reporting sexual assaults and finding help for survivors. Sexual harassment is a problem at the University of Zambia (Kampyongo et al., 2017; Menon et al., 2014) along with various forms of dating violence (Chinyama et al., 2020). Similar to findings of Menon et al. (2014), Kampyongo et al. (2017) and Chinyama et al. (2020), participants in the current research recognized the existence of sexual harassment on the campus, and particularly the violence that exists within relationships and between students and lectures. The study found that students were aware of incidents of campus sexual violence particularly within relationships and further identified women’s vulnerabilities, lack of financial resources, indecent dressing and controlling behavior by men within relationships as the main reasons why women experience violence.

Research has shown that raising awareness and providing information about rape and rape myths can help to diminish acceptance of beliefs that are used to justify sexual assault and to eliminate gender stereotypes (Walfield, 2018). It is therefore expected that people who attend these workshops are less likely to endorse rape myths as they acquire more knowledge about sexual violence (Stephens et al., 2016). Furthermore, Stephens et al. (2016) alludes to the fact that students who knew an organization working on campus sexual violence were also less likely to believe rape myths and further posits rape awareness workshops as a method of reducing rape myths. Even though the difference was not statistically significant (p value > 0.05), the results of the current study indicated that participants who attended a workshop/orientation about campus sexual violence were more accepting of rape myths as compared to those who did not and therefore contradicts the proposition by Stephens and colleagues. The contradiction to the findings by Stephens et al. (2016), which was undertaken in the United States, Japan and India, can be attributed to country and cultural differences among the participants. Crall and Goodfriend (2016) in a similar manner found that there was no relation between attending a sexual violence workshop and the level of rape myth acceptance. Despite the useful information and materials that is be presented during sexual violence workshops, the current study as well as other studies, have demonstrated that favorable results of lower levels of rape myth acceptance are not guaranteed. Indeed, Hayward et al. (2021) discovered that rape myth acceptance can persist even after attending sexual violence training and students may not remember attending these workshops hence not realize the value of learning through such platforms (Huck, 2022). Nevertheless, it is worth noting that structured environments such as workshops and classrooms remain crucial in creating spaces in which students continue to learn and challenge social norms and beliefs (Minister, 2018) among themselves and the institutions through which they continue to exist. The results of the study also showed that students identified raising more awareness on issues of sexual violence as one way of preventing incidents of in addition to ensuring easier reporting mechanisms and male students taking an active role in preventing sexual violence.

Finchilescu and Dugard (2018) demonstrated that students, who had experienced sexual violence, know someone who had experienced sexual violence or witnessed sexual violence tend to reject rape myths. The current study asked participants whether they knew someone who was raped or sexually harassed on campus. The two forms of sexual violence where presented separately in order to investigate the levels of rape myth acceptance in relation to knowing someone who has experienced one or both forms of sexual violence. Findings from the research showed that participants who knew someone who had been raped rejected rape myths compared to those who did not. However, the difference in the level of rape myth acceptance between the two groups was not statistically significant (p value > 0.05) suggesting that there was no relation between knowing someone who was raped and rape myth acceptability. On the other hand, similar to the study by Crall and Goodfriend (2016), the current study found that participants who knew someone who had been sexually harassed rejected rape myths compared to those who did not with statistically significant differences. These dissimilarities in relation to the two forms of sexual violence could suggest differences in perceptions, knowledge and understanding of sexual violence and personal beliefs.

Acceptance of rape myths has many negative consequences, the most significant of which are denial of rape and the notion that rape is not a serious problem since blame is shifted from the perpetrator to the victim. Rape myths have a sociocultural function in maintaining the status quo by encompassing conventional attitudes and beliefs. The acceptance of rape myths also harms components of the legal systems and is shown in the impact that rape myths have on encounters between law enforcement officials and rape victims, as police are less likely to trust victims who do not fit their assumptions of a victim (Poerwandari et al., 2019). Changing society’s attitudes about sex, rape, and rape myths can boost reporting rates and improve criminal justice outcomes. Increasing awareness and education about rape and rape myths, in general, can assist to reduce the acceptance of misconceptions used to condone sexual assault and remove gender stereotypes (Walfield, 2018).

5. Conclusion

The purpose of this research was to investigate the extent of rape myth acceptance as an individual risk factor for sexual violence among university undergraduate students at the University of Zambia. It also examined the relationship between student demographic factors, awareness of campus sexual violence, and rape myth acceptance. Rape myth acceptance was measured using the updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale. The results of the study indicate that generally students at the university were less accepting rape myths however upon further analysis it was found that students were in agreement with some of the statements that reflected victim blaming and lack of accountability for perpetrators, both tenets of rape myth acceptance. This suggests that rape myth acceptance is present among the university students in subtle ways. The research study also found that rape myth acceptance varied among students based on gender, attending a sexual violence workshop, year of study and knowing a survivor of sexual violence, with no relation between age and rape myth acceptance. Demographic factors indeed provide insight into the characteristics of the students participants.

Sexual violence is a major human rights violation and impedes the attainment of gender equity and equality. Rape myth acceptance research continues to develop and advance towards finding and reinventing existing solutions to various forms of sexual violence in institutions. Therefore, this study offers as a foundation for broader understanding of rape myths and rape culture, in the Zambian context. Finally, it provides information for designing sexual violence prevention curriculums and interventions within institutions of higher learning and the general population especially so for young people.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Funding

This research received no external funding

Notes on contributors

Lukwesa Christina Musonda

Lukwesa Christina Musonda is a Researcher and advocacy professional committed to working towards social justice and economic development. She holds a bachelors degree in Economics and Masters degree in Development Studies. She Actively works with communities through capacity building initiatives that empower individuals to be active citizens as right holders. Her research interests are in the field of gender, poverty and public finance.

Hanson Chishimba

Hanson Chishimba is a Lecturer and researcher of Development Studies at the University of Zambia. He Holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Governance and Leadership, a Masters and Bachelor’s Degree in Development Studies from the University of Lusaka and University of Zambia respectively. His research interest is in gender, poverty, rural livelihoods and sustainable development. He has authored a number of peer reviewed journals and a book.