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Abstract
The Indigenous intangible heritage related to wrecked vessels has been poorly studied and documented. This article provides a counter to dominant maritime archaeology discourses via the investigation of the Aboriginal significance attributed to a wrecked and submerged River Murray barge (Crowie) in South Australia. There are numerous layers of Aboriginal significance that may be attributed to Crowie including the relationship of the community with their ‘underwater country’, Indigenous contributions to the riverboat industry, and the use of Aboriginal terms in vessel‐naming practices. Geophysical data from multibeam and sidescan sonar surveys allowed for confirmation of the proposed location of the wreck and through comparison with historical descriptions and photographs provided evidence to substantiate the assignation of the wreck as the Crowie barge.
Abstract
他们称其为Crowie༚南澳大利亚墨累河平底沉船被给予的土著含义研究
与土著无形遗产因素相关的沉船遗-一直以来鲜有研究或记载。本文通过对失事并沉没于南澳大利亚墨累河的平底沉船 (Crowie号) 被给予的土著含义展开调查, 反驳-主流海洋考古论述。Crowie号可能被赋予-不同层次的土著含义, 包括土著共同体与他们的“水下城”之间的关系、河船工业中的土著贡献以及在船舶命名方面使用土著词汇的习惯等。多光束及侧扫声纳等地球物理测量数据确认了推测的沉船地点, 在比较过史实描述及历史照片所提供的证据后可证实该沉船即为Crowie号驳船。
他們稱其為Crowie༚南澳大利亞墨累河平底沈船被給予的土著含義研究
與土著無形遺產因素相關的沉船-跡壹直以-鮮有研究或記載。本文通過對失事並沈沒於南澳大利亞墨累河的平底沉船 (Crowie號) 被給予的土著含義展開調查, 反駁-主流海洋考古論述。Crowie號可能被賦予-不同層次的土著含義, 包括土著共同體與-們的“水下城”之間的關系、河船工業中的土著貢獻以及在船舶命名方面使用土著詞匯的習慣等。多光束及側掃聲納等地球物理測量數據確認了推測的沉船地點, 在比較過史實描述及歷史照片所提供的證據後可證實該沉船即為Crowie號-船。
‘ellos lo llaman crowie’: un investigación sobre el significado atribuído por los aborigines a una barcaza del rio murray naufragada en australia meridional
El patrimonio intangible indígena relacionado con los naufragios ha sido escasamente estudiado y documentado. Este artículo provee un contraargumento a los discursos dominantes de la arqueología marítima, a través de la investigación del significado que los Aborigenes le atrubuyen a una barcaza del rio Murray (Crowie) naufragada y sumergida en Australia Meridional. Numerosos ámbitos de significado le son atribuídos a Crowie por los Aborigenes, incluídos: la relación de la comunidad con su ‘País Sumergido’; las contribuciones indígenas a la industría de embarcaciones de río y la utilización de términos Aborígenes en las prácticas de nombrar las embarcaciones. Datos geofísicos procedentes de prospecciones con multihaz y sonar de barrido lateral, permitieron confirmar la localización propuesta del naufragio y, mediante la compración con descripciones y fotografías históricas, proveyeron evidencia que lo vincula con la barcaza Crowie.
Traducción: Ricardo Borrero L (with thanks to the Honor Frost Foundation)
Acknowledgments
Our primary gratitude and respect is paid to Edward Lindsay for so generously sharing his time, knowledge and experiences. Special thanks are also due to RMMAC member Jenny Grace for working as a co‐interviewer on this project. RMMAC member Eric Cook is gratefully acknowledged for providing permission to use his family's photograph of Bill Cook and for supporting this research. Thanks also to Gareth Carpenter (Manager of Hydrographic Services, River Murray Operations, SA Water) for sharing his data and expertise. Amer Khan (Senior Maritime Heritage Officer at the State Heritage Unit in the Department of Environment, Water and Natural Resources) is acknowledged for his assistance in providing government records for the Crowie wreck. Aylza Donald, Penny Mules and Robin Coles deserve recognition for their assistance with interview transcribing. Thanks are also due to Kurt Bennett for his assistance with the sidescan survey. Lea Gardem of the South Australian Museum archives also requires our thanks for her timely provision of a number of images used in this article. This research was partially supported by the ARC DECRA grant #160100703 awarded to Ian Moffat. This study was approved by Flinders University's Social and Behavioural Research Ethics Committee (Project Number: 6618). We also acknowledge the editor's expert assistance in preparing this article for publication as well as the helpful comments provided by two anonymous reviewers.
Notes
1. Cf Muldewangk, Mulduwanke, Mulgewanke, Mulgewangk, Moolyewongk, Moolgewauk and Mulyewongk (Berndt and Berndt, Citation1993: 203; Citation27Fry, nd; Hemming, Citation1985; Citation34Hemming and Cook, nd: 63 and 115; Taplin, Citation1879: 38—see also Eyre's (Citation1845: 362) ‘spirit of the waters, called ngook‐wonga’.
2. The term ‘country’ may be used in different ways in Aboriginal Australia and in Australian Aboriginal studies, but its usage in both cases always has a meaning much broader than its use in a Western sense. A popular definition of ‘country’ is supplied by Bird Rose (Citation1996: 7–8): ‘Country in Aboriginal English is not only a common noun but also a proper noun. People talk about country in the same way that they would talk about a person: they speak to country, sing to country, visit country, worry about country, feel sorry for country, and long for country. People say that country knows, hears, smells, takes notice, takes care, is sorry or happy. Country is not a generalized or undifferentiated type of place, such as one might indicate with terms like ‘spending a day in the country’ or ‘going up the country’. Rather, country is a living entity with a yesterday, today and tomorrow, with a consciousness, and a will toward life. Because of this richness, country is home, and peace; nourishment for body, mind, and spirit; heart's ease…Aboriginal people own (according to their own law) both the land and surroundings waters. The creative beings traverse the whole area…’.
