Myths, Moors and Holy War: Reassessing the History and Archaeology of Gibraltar and the Straits, ad 711–1462

Abstract

WHEN DOCUMENTING GIBRALTAR’s medieval history and that of its eponymous Straits, there is a tendency to accept at face value the historical accounts that relate the existential struggle for control of this strategic area between Christianity and Islam through time. For Gibraltar’s history this entailed a continuous occupation from at least the 11th or even the 8th century to the present day. Fieldwork at Gibraltar over the last 20 years is transforming this picture. Instead of a slow diachronic development of the town and fortifications of Gibraltar, new evidence suggests relatively late, mainly Islamic construction work, mostly undertaken in the 13th and 14th centuries in response to the newly encroaching Christian forces from the north. In this scenario the Straits became a hotly contested battleground at that time, even one invested with religious significance by some observers, between competing Muslim and Christian factions. The archaeology of Gibraltar helps elucidate these shifting patterns of hegemony for control of the Straits, culminating in the Castilian victory in the 15th century.

Abstract

Mythes, Maures et guerre sainte: réévaluation de l’histoire et de l’archéologie de Gibraltar et du détroit, 711–1462 par Kevin Lane, Clive Finlayson, Uwe Vagelpohl, Francisco José Giles Guzmán et Francisco Giles Pacheco

Quand on étudie l’histoire médiévale de Gibraltar et celle de son détroit éponyme, on a tendance à accepter d’emblée les récits historiques relatant la lutte existentielle entre la chrétienté et l’islam pour le contrôle de cette zone stratégique à travers les siècles. Pour l’histoire de Gibraltar, ceci s’est traduit par une occupation continue depuis au moins le 11^ème siècle, voire le 8^ème siècle, jusqu’à nos jours. Les recherches de terrain effectuées à Gibraltar depuis 20 ans transforment cette perspective. Au lieu d’un développement diachronique de la ville et des fortifications, de nouveaux éléments suggèrent des travaux de construction relativement tardifs, surtout islamiques, réalisés principalement aux 13^ème et 14^ème siècles, en réaction aux forces chrétiennes venant du Nord qui gagnaient du terrain. Dans ce scénario, le détroit serait devenu à l’époque un champ de bataille très contesté, et aurait même été investi par certains observateurs d’une signification religieuse, entre les factions musulmanes et chrétiennes opposées. L’archéologie de Gibraltar nous aide à élucider l’évolution de ces différentes hégémonies pour contrôler le détroit, qui allait culminer par la victoire castillane du 15^ème siècle.

Abstract

Mythen, Mauren und Heiliger Krieg: Neubewertung der Geschichte und Archäologie von Gibraltar und der Meerenge, ad 711–1462 von Kevin Lane, Clive Finlayson, Uwe Vagelpohl, Francisco José Giles Guzmán und Francisco Giles Pacheco

Bei der Dokumentierung der mittelalterlichen Geschichte von Gibraltar und der gleichnamigen Meerenge besteht eine Tendenz, historische Berichte für bare Münze zu nehmen, die vom existenziellen Kampf zwischen Christentum und Islam um die Macht in diesem strategisch wichtigen Grenzbereich im Laufe der Zeiten erzählen. Für die Geschichte Gibraltars beinhaltete das eine durchgängige Besetzung von mindestens dem 11 oder sogar dem 8 Jahrhundert bis in die heutige Zeit. Feldforschung in Gibraltar in den letzten 20 Jahren verändert nun dieses Bild. Anstatt einer langsamen, diachronischen Entwicklung der Stadt und der Befestigungen von Gibraltar lassen neue Fundstücke auf relativ späte, zumeist islamische Bautätigkeit schließen, die hauptsächlich im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert als Reaktion auf die von Norden erneut eindringenden christlichen Truppen durchgeführt wurde. In diesem Szenario wurde während dieser Zeit die Meerenge ein heiß umkämpftes Schlachtfeld zwischen muslimischen und christlichen Parteien, dem manche Beobachter sogar eine religiöse Bedeutung beimaßen. Die Archäologie von Gibraltar trägt dazu bei, diese sich verschiebenden Muster der Vorherrschaft über die Meerenge zu erhellen, die im Sieg der Kastilier im 15 Jahrhundert gipfelten.

Abstract

Miti, Mori e Guerra santa: riesame della storia e dell’archeologia di Gibilterra e dello stretto, 711–1462 d.C. di Kevin Lane, Clive Finlayson, Uwe Vagelpohl, Francisco José Giles Guzmán e Francisco Giles Pacheco

Nel documentare la storia medievale di Gibilterra e dello stretto omonimo c’è la tendenza ad accettare letteralmente i resoconti storici che si riferiscono alla lotta esistenziale tra cristianesimo e islam per il controllo di questa zona strategica. Per la storia di Gibilterra ciò ha comportato un’occupazione ininterrotta fino ai giorni nostri a partire almeno dall’XI, ma forse anche dall’VIII secolo. La raccolta di dati sul campo condotta a Gibilterra negli ultimi vent’anni sta trasformando questo scenario. Anziché trattarsi di un lento e diacronico sviluppo della città e delle fortificazioni di Gibilterra, dalle nuove testimonianze emerge che in un periodo relativamente tardo furono intrapresi lavori di costruzione prevalentemente da parte islamica, per lo più durante il XIII e il XIV secolo, per fronteggiare i nuovi invasori cristiani provenienti dal nord. In quell’epoca lo stretto divenne quindi un teatro di battaglia tra le fazioni musulmana e cristiana, ferocemente conteso e, secondo alcuni osservatori, perfino investito di significato religioso. L’archeologia di Gibilterra contribuisce a chiarire il mutevole avvicendarsi delle egemonie per il controllo dello stretto, culminate con la vittoria della Corona di Castiglia nel XV secolo.

acknowledgements

We thank the Government of Gibraltar, which, through their generous investment, made the archaeological work on which this article is based possible. Further thanks go to everyone who worked on and contributed to these various projects. Special thanks go to Ángel Sáez Rodriguez, whose advice was both insightful and inspiring. Any omissions or mistakes remain those of the authors.

Notes

1 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, Downing Street, Cambridgeshire CB2 3ER, UK. [email protected]

2 Gibraltar Museum, 18–20 Bomb House Lane, PO Box 939, Gibraltar. [email protected]

3 Classics and Ancient History, The University of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, UK. [email protected]

4 Servicios de Arqueología, Lebrillo, 43, 11500, Sierra De San Cristobal, El Puerto De Santa Maria, Cádiz, Spain. [email protected]

5 Museo Municipal de El Puerto de Santa María, Calle del Pagador 1, 11500, El Puerto de Santa María, Cádiz, Spain. [email protected]

6 Macfarlane 1977; see also Lightfoot 1995; 2005; Voss 2008 for an updated assessment of this theory.

7 For its reliance on early Arabic sources, Gozalbes Busto 1999 is very complete, while Torres Balbás 1942, Norris 1961 and Hills 1974 provide excellent, though now dated, syntheses of the historical record. A good systematic appraisal of Gibraltar’s architecture between the 8th and 16th century is presented by Ballesta Gómez 2001; but in the last two decades a superb Algeciran scholar, Ángel Sáez Rodriguez (sometimes in collaboration with Antonio Torremocha Silva), has produced a series of papers and books on the topic (Sáez Rodríguez 2007; Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001; Sáez Rodríguez 2006; Torremocha Silva and Sáez Rodríguez 1998), which represent the final word on the fortifications and settlement of Gibraltar until the 18th century (it is best to consult Hughes and Migos 1995 for an appraisal of the 19th- and 20th-century fortifications). Other studies consider particular details of Gibraltar’s architecture, such as Márquez Bueno and Gurriarán Daza 2008 on Almohad construction features; and López Fernández 2010 on the period between 1309–33.

8 Gutiérrez López et al 1998.

9 Torres Balbás 1942.

10 James 1771, 409.

11 Lowenthal 1985; Connerton 1989.

12 Eg Dawdy 2000; Hurst and Owen 2005; Lightfoot and Martinez 1995.

13 Ibn al-Ḫaṭīb, cited in Abellán Pérez 2005, 72; our translation from the Spanish.

14 Sáez Rodríguez 2007, 23–5; see also Ballesta Gómez 2001.

15 de Luna 1944; based on the chronicler Hernández de Portillo 2008 [1610–22], 71.

16 Finlayson et al 1996.

17 Giles Guzmán et al 2008, entry 899.

18 Gutierrez Lopez et al 2001; Waechter 1964.

19 An excellent reappraisal of these events can be found in the 2011 issue of Alijaranda: Revista de Estudios Tarifeños, edited by Ruiz Bravo.

20 Jiménez-Camino Álvarez 2012.

21 ‘One of the caliphs of the dynasty [Almohad] […] ordered the construction of a city over Ǧabal Ṭāriq. […] The sovereign built in her [Gibraltar] a large mosque, a palace as his residence and other palaces for the princes […]’ al-Ḥimyarī (15th century) as cited in Abellán Pérez 2005, 70, our translation from the Spanish.

22 Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001, 188.

23 See Abellán Pérez 2005, 70; Sáez Rodríguez 2007, 33–4; Torres Balbás 1942, 175; see also Al-Himyari 1963 [1461], 249; and Ibn Sahib al-Sala 1969 [1200–10], 21–3; for the original Arab sources.

24 Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001; Norris 1961; Gutiérrez López et al 1996.

25 Sáez Rodríguez 2007, 36.

26 Gurriarán Daza and Sáez Rodríguez 2002, 587, 608; Márquez Bueno and Gurriarán Daza 2008, 118.

27 The source is Rawḍ al-Qirṭās, cited in Manzano Rodríguez 1992, 111.

28 Housley 1992; Harvey 1992; O’Callaghan 2011.

29 See López de Ayala et al 2010 [1923].

30 López Fernández 2010, 58–9; Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001, 187.

31 Ballesta Gómez 2001, 150.

32 Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001, 187, 189–90.

33 Manzano Rodríguez 1992.

34 Harvey 1992.

35 Torremocha Silva in press.

36 Sáez Rodríguez 2007; Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001; Ballesta Gómez 2001; Hughes and Migos 1995.

37 Abellán Pérez 2005; see also Ibn Battúta 1929, 312.

38 James 1771 409.

39 Hernández del Portillo 2008 [1610–22].

40 Gutiérrez López et al 1996, 420.

41 Harvey 2006.

42 Gozalbes Busto 1999, 397–404.

43 Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001, 188.

44 Hills 1974, 51.

45 Hernández del Portillo 2008 [1610–22], 59–74.

46 Giles Guzmán et al 2008a; Giles Guzmán et al 2008b; Giles Guzmán and Giles Pacheco 2008; Giles Guzmán et al 2010.

47 Respectively, Piñatel Vera et al 1999; and Giles Guzmán et al 2007.

48 Finlayson et al 1997; Finlayson et al 2000; Piñatel Vera et al 2001.

49 Finlayson et al 1996.

50 Gutiérrez López et al 1998; Gutiérrez López et al 1996.

51 Blanes Delgado et al 1997.

52 Valerino 2005.

53 Valerino 2006.

54 Giles Pacheco et al 2001; Boivin et al 2009.

55 Gutiérrez López 1996.

56 Giles Pacheco et al 2001, 76–8.

57 Finlayson et al 1996; Finlayson et al 1997; Finlayson et al 2000; Giles Guzmán et al 2008a; Giles Guzmán et al 2008b; Giles Guzmán and Giles Pacheco 2008; Giles Guzmán et al 2010; Gutiérrez López et al 1998; Gutiérrez López et al 1996; Piñatel Vera et al 2001.

58 Respectively, Giles Guzmán et al 2008a; Giles Guzmán et al 2008b; Giles Guzmán and Giles Pacheco 2008; Giles Guzmán et al 2010; and Giles Guzmán et al 2007.

59 Piñatel Vera et al 1999.

60 Bravo de Acuña 1627; Kagan and Macías 1986.

61 Giles Guzmán and Giles Pacheco 2008, 2.

62 Ibid, 29–30.

63 Ibid, 31–4.

64 Gurriarán Daza and Sáez Rodríguez 2002, 587, 608; Sáez Rodríguez 2007, 36; Márquez Bueno and Gurriarán Daza 2008, 118.

65 Torres Balbás 1942, 200–1, yet this author did not have access to the original inscription, in James 1771, 409, having to make do with fragmentary reinterpretations by Carter 1777, 28–35; and López de Ayala 1782, 114.

66 Norris 1961, actually mentions Muḥammad V in his little-read, yet instructive article but still tacitly seems to accept Torres Balbás’s ascription of the gate to Yūsuf I.

67 Jiménez-Camino Álvarez 2012, 35.

68 Norris 1961, 46.

69 Ibid, 46.

70 Ibid, 49.

71 Sáez Rodríguez 2006, 61.

72 Finlayson et al 2000.

73 Finlayson et al 1997; see also Sáez Rodríguez and Torremocha Silva 2001, 187; and Bravo de Acuña 1627 for pictorial details on the gate and environs.

74 Piñatel Vera et al 2001.

75 Ibid, 222.

76 Finlayson et al 1997.

77 López Fernández 2010, 60.

78 Finlayson et al 1997.

79 Respectively, Finlayson et al 1996; and Gutiérrez López et al 1998; Gutiérrez López et al 1996.

80 Booth 1776.

81 Finlayson et al 1996, 7.

82 Gutiérrez López et al 1996, 423.

83 Gutiérrez López et al 1998; Gutiérrez López et al 1996.

84 The name Tarfe derives from the Arab word ‘ṭaraf’, meaning ‘boundary’, ‘coast’, ‘end’ or ‘shore’ (Gozalbes Busto 1998, 28, note 9).

85 Hernández del Portillo 2008 [1610–22], 71, claims that it dated to the Carthaginian period, but it was most likely Moorish in origin.

86 The Fez Corral was interpreted by Hernández de Portillo 2008 [1610–22], 73, as a market set up by people from this town during the Islamic period.

87 Gutiérrez López et al 1996.

88 Sáez Rodríguez 2001, 204–19; Sáez Rodriguez 2007.

89 Jiménez-Camino Álvarez 2012.

90 Mazzoli-Guintard 1996.

91 Sáez Rodríguez 2003.

92 Curta 2011, 379, based on Bazzana et al 1988.

93 Torres Balbás 1942, 213, our translation.

94 Fletcher 1992, 157–60.

95 Hills 1974, 51.

96 Torres Balbás 1942, 178.

97 Hills 1974.

98 López Fernández 2010.

99 Ibid, 62–3; see also López de Ayala 1782, document 1.

100 Ibn Battúta 1929, 312.

101 Garcia Fernandez 1987, 74–5.

102 Gosden 2004.

103 Garcia Fernandez 1987, 70.

104 Torres Balbá 1942, 178–9, 187.

105 López Amador et al 2011 report on excavations at numerous farmsteads (aldeas) with a mix of Muslim and Christian provenanced material culture. Puerto de Santa María is located in the Cadiz province, near to Tarifa.

106 Moreno 2008.

107 Dodd 1992.

108 Jayyusi 1992.