Abstract
Although sound change may contribute to the loss of grammatical categories, such as the Latin future and passive, comparative data show that phonological change alone cannot account for these morphological changes. Syncretism can arise from sound change, but patterns of sound change within Romance falsify the homonymy avoidance argument. Furthermore, Italian and Occitan provide models for analogical "solutions" to syncretism. Patterns of loss of grammatical categories must be contextualized cross-linguistically without preconceptions about which categories may be lost. Close analysis of phonological and morphological factors will facilitate the establishment of a typology of category loss.