https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7663-4841
![Sample our Humanities journals, sign in here to start your FREE access for 14 days]({"type":"image" , "src" : "/sda/5939/TOC-Subject-Sample-2021-Humanities.jpg"})
ABSTRACT
It is well attested that Francis Bacon considered his History of Winds to be an exemplar, but what lessons should be taken from its example have been subject to debate. Instead of looking at this work as a mere model for the fusion of natural history and natural philosophy, it is also possible to see Bacon as trying to provide tentative solutions to outstanding questions regarding the wind, a topic that was deeply scrutinized during the early modern period. An examination of Bacon’s provisional concluding rules reveals deep correspondences with earlier works, such as José de Acosta’s Natural and Moral History of the Indies, that revised classical understandings of the wind based on experience, experiments, and accounts of travels beyond Europe. Understanding the History of Winds as a genuine attempt to solve outstanding questions about the wind uncovers its debt to earlier traditions, including those related to Renaissance natural history, and shows it’s influence in relation to specific theories of the wind beyond its call for methodological reform.
Acknowledgments
I thank audiences at an annual conference of the Renaissance Society of America, the Folger Shakespeare Library, and the École Normale Supérieure de Lyon and anonymous peer reviewers for their comments and criticisms of earlier versions of this article. I am indebted to Dániel Margócsy for his corrections and suggestions.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 Vladimir Janković, Reading the Skies: A Cultural History of English Weather, 1650–1820 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000), p. 46.
2 Graham Rees, ‘Bacon’s Speculative Philosophy’, in The Cambridge Companion to Bacon, ed. by Markku Peltonen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 121–45 (pp. 134–6); Stephen Gaukroger, Francis Bacon and the Transformation of Early-Modern Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 209; Paolo Rossi, ‘Venti, maree, ipotesi astronomiche in Bacone e in Galilei’, in Aspetti della rivoluzione scientifica (Naples: Morano, 1971), pp. 151–222.
3 Doina-Cristina Rusu, ‘Francis Bacon: Constructing Natural Histories of the Invisible’, Early Science and Medicine, 17 (2012), 112–33 (pp. 120–2).
4 Dana Jalobeanu, The Art of Experimental Natural History: Francis Bacon in Context (Bucharest: Zeta, 2015), pp. 272–9.
5 Sophie Weeks, ‘The Role of Mechanics in Bacon’s Great Instauration’, in Philosophies of Technology: Francis Bacon and his Contemporaries, ed. by Claus Zittel and others, 2 vols (Leiden: Brill, 2008), I, 133–95 (pp. 157–8).
6 Dana Jalobeanu, ‘The Philosophy of Francis Bacon’s Natural History: A Research Program’, Studii de stiinta si cultura, 23 (2010), 18–37 (p. 23).
7 Peter R. Anstey, ‘Francis Bacon and the Classification of Natural History’, Early Science and Medicine, 17 (2012), 11–31 (p. 28).
8 Peter R. Anstey, ‘Bacon, Experimental Philosophy and French Enlightenment Natural History’, in Natural History in Early Modern France: The Poetics of an Epistemic Genre, ed. by Raphaële Garrod and Paul J. Smith (Leiden: Brill, 2018), pp. 205–40 (pp. 210–2).
9 Anstey, ‘Bacon, Experimental Philosophy’, p. 210.
10 For the collections, descriptions, and illustrations of early modern natural history, see Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Brian W. Ogilvie, The Science of Describing: Natural History in Renaissance Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); Alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous: Natural History in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007); David Freedberg, The Eye of the Lynx: Galileo, His Friends, and the Beginnings of Modern Natural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); Daniela Bleichmar, Visible Empire: Botanical Expeditions and Visual Culture in the Hispanic Enlightenment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012); Sachiko Kusukawa, Picturing the Book of Nature: Image, Text, and Argument in Sixteenth-Century Human Anatomy and Medical Botany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 2012), pp. 98–177; Dániel Margócsy, Commercial Visions: Science, Trade, and Visual Culture in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014); Florike Egmond, Eye for Detail: Images of Plants and Animals in Art and Science, 1500–1630 (London: Reaktion, 2017).
11 Christoph Lüthy, ‘Where Logical Necessity Becomes Visual Persuasion: Descartes’s Clear and Distinct Illustrations’, in Transmitting Knowledge: Words, Images, and Instruments in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Sachiko Kusukawa and Ian Maclean (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 97–133 (pp. 101–3); Claus Zittel, Theatrum philosophicum: Descartes und die Rolle ästhetischer Formen in der Wissenschaft (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 2009), pp. 213–5.
12 Harold J. Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007).
13 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, 55–6.
14 Laurent Pinon, Livres de zoologie à la Renaissance: Une anthologie, 1450–1700 (Paris: Klincksieck, 1995).
15 Pier Andrea Mattioli, Commentarii in libros sex Pedacii Dioscoridis Anazabarei de materia medica (Venice: Valgrisi, 1554), pp. 563–707.
16 Ferrante Imperato, Dell’historia naturale libri XXVIII (Naples: Porta Reale, 1599), pp. 267–89. For Imperato’s collection, see Findlen, Possessing, pp. 31–2.
17 Andrea Cesalpino, De plantis libri XVI (Florence: Marescotti, 1583); Ian Maclean, ‘White Crows, Graying Hair, and Eyelashes: Problems for Natural Historians in the Reception of Aristotelian Logic and Biology from Pomponazzi to Bacon’, in Historia: Empiricism and Erudition in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Gianna Pomata and Nancy G. Siraisi, (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005), pp. 147–79; Stefano Perfetti, Aristotle's Zoology and Its Renaissance Commentators (1521–1601) (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2000); Dmitri Levitin, ‘Early Modern Experimental Philosophy: A Non-Anglocentric Overview’, in Experiment, Speculation and Religion in Early Modern Philosophy, ed. by Vanzo and P. Anstey (New York: Routledge, 2019), pp. 229–91 (pp. 237–40).
18 Evan R. Ragland, ‘“Making Trials” in Sixteenth- and Early Seventeenth- Century Academic Medicine’, Isis, 108 (2017), 503–28 (pp. 511–20); Findlen, Possessing, pp. 225–8;
19 Aristotle, Meteorologica, 2.4.359b27–361b14.
20 Seneca, Naturales quaestiones, V,1,1; Hippocrates, De flatibus, 3,1; Vitruvius, De architectura 1,6,2; Aristotle, Meteorologica, 2.4.360b26–361a5.
21 Federico Bonaventura, De causa ventorum motus. Peripatetica disceptatio, in qua nullam esse inter Aristotelem, & Theophrastum in hac quaestione dissensionem, adversus communem sententiam demonstratur (Venice: De Franceschi, 1594), p. 7: ‘ut nulla in meteorologica disciplina quaestio maiorem habeat difficultatem’.
22 Jean Bodin, Universae naturae theatrum (Frankfurt: Wechel, 1597), pp. 163–4: ‘Ventorum autem origo, ac ratio omnium rerum quae sunt in natura obscurissima est, & ad statuendum difficillima’; ‘altera singularis, quae cuiusque regionis propria est atque hanc daemonum impulsu cieri necesse est’.
23 Collegium Conimbricense, In libros Meteororum Aristotelis Stagiritae (Cologne: Zetzner, 1600), cols 53–4: ‘Haec sunt, quae de ventorum causis probablius dicuntur a Philosophis’; ‘Adeo ut ob id Psalm. 134. & Ieremiae 10. dicatur Deus producere ventos de thesauris suis, id est, de occultis naturae causis’.
24 Wesley D. Smith, The Hippocratic Tradition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1979), pp. 61–176; Vivian Nutton, ‘Hippocrates in the Renaissance’, in Die hippokratischen Epidemien: Theorie, Praxis, Tradition, ed. by Gerhard Baader and Rolf Winau (Stuttgart: Steiner, 1989), pp. 420–39.
25 Joëlle Ducos, La météorologie en français au Moyen Age (XIIIe-XIVe siècles) (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1998); Craig Martin, Renaissance Meteorology: Pomponazzi to Descartes (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011).
26 Martin Cortes, Breve compendio de la sphera y de la arte de navegar (Seville: Alvarez, 1551), 61r; Pedro de Medina, L’arte del navegar (Venice: Pedrezano, 1555), fols 29r-29v; Otto Cassman, Marinarum quaestionum tractatio philosophica bipartita (Frankfurt: Palthenius, 1596), pp. 138–42.
27 Peter Apian, Cosmographia, per Gemmam Frisium (Antwerp: Bonte, 1550), fols 22v–24r; Francesco Barozzi, Cosmographia in quatuor libros distributa (Venice: Percacino, 1585), pp. 102–27; John Cheyne, Cosmographia sive geographia (Douai: Beller, 1599), pp. 36–9; Oronce Finè, De mundi sphaera, sive cosmographia (Paris: Vascosanum, 1555), pp. 57–9.
28 For example, see Virgil, Virgilius cum commentariis (Venice: Fiorentino, 1500), fols I3r, LI3v.
29 Giovan Battista della Porta, De aeris transmutationibus (Rome: Zanetti, 1610), pp. 20–58; Bodin, pp. 159–71; Girolamo Cardano, Commentarii in Hippocratis de aere, aquis, et locis opus (Basel: Henricpetri, 1570), pp. 7–11, 49–57; Girolamo Cardano, De rerum varietate libri XVII (Basel: Henricpetri, 1557), pp. 4–7.
30 Fabrizio Padovani, Tractatus duo alter de ventis alter perbrevis de terraemotu (Bologna: Bellagamba, 1601); Stefano Breventano, Trattato de l'origine delli venti, nomi et proprieta loro utile, et necessario a marinari, & ogni qualità di persone (Venice: Camocio, 1571).
31 Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola, Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium, & veritatis christianae disciplinae (Mirandola: Mazzocchi, 1520), fol. 20v; [ps.] Plutarch, De philosophorum placitis (Strasbourg: Schurer, 1516), fol. 20r.
32 Lodovico Settala, Commentaria in Aristotelis Problemata (Lyon: Landry, 1632), pp. 226–301; Federico Bonaventura, Meteorologicae affectiones sive de causis, et signis pluviarum, ventorum, serenitatis, & tempestatum (Venice: De Franceschi, 1594).
33 Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, Empire, and Nation: Explorations of the History of Science in the Iberian World (Stanford, CA: University of Stanford Press, 2006); Miguel de Asúa and Roger French, A New World of Animals: Early Modern Europeans on the Creatures of Iberian America (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005).
34 Matthew Mulcahy, Hurricanes and Society in the British Greater Caribbean (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005), pp. 33–63.
35 Ogilvie, The Science of Describing, pp. 70–4.
36 Olaus Magnus, Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (Rome: Viotti, 1555), pp. 16–21. On the descriptions in the work, see Kurt Johannesson, The Renaissance of the Goths in Sixteenth-Century Sweden: Johannes and Olaus Magnus as Politicians and Historians (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 170–9.
37 François Rabelais, Complete Works, trans. by Donald M. Frame (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 530–1.
38 Katharine Park, ‘Observation in the Margins, 500–1500’, in Histories of Scientific Observation, ed. by Lorraine Daston and Elizabeth Lunbeck (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), pp. 15–44 (pp. 31–4); Steven Vanden Broecke, The Limits of Influence: Pico, Louvain, and the Crisis of Renaissance Astrology (Leiden: Brill 2003), pp. 196–212; Ann Geneva, Astrology and the Seventeenth Century Mind: William Lilly and the Language of the Stars (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), pp. 77–80; Tycho Brahe, Meteorologiske dagbog, holt paa Uraniborg for aarene 1582–1597 (Copenhagen: Thieles, 1876).
39 Johannes Stadius, Tabulae bergenses aequabilis et adparentis motus orbium coelestium, (Cologne: Birckmann, 1560), pp. 233–45; Vanden Broecke, pp. 196–7.
40 Niccolò Machiavelli, Istorie fiorentine (Florence: Le Monier, 1843), pp. 296–8.
41 Cf. Ottavia Niccoli, Prophecy and People in Renaissance Italy, trans. by Lydia G. Cochrane (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 189–96.
42 For destructive and portentous winds, see Conrad Lycosthenes, Prodigiorum ac ostentorum chronicon (Basel: Henricpetri, 1557), pp. 112, 431–3, 437, 459, 462, 472, 484, 485, 489, 495, 523, 534, 656. For Lycosthenes work in general, see Jean Céard, La nature e les prodiges (Geneva: Droz, 1977), pp. 161–91.
43 Mathilde Régent, ‘Du probable à la foi: les météores dans les Histoires prodigieuses’, in Ordre et désordre du monde: Enquête sur les météores, de la Renaissance à l’âge moderne, ed. by Thierry Belleguic and Anouchka Vasak (Paris: Hermann, 2013), pp. 135–52.
44 Pierre Boaistuau, Claude de Tesserant, and François de Belleforest, Histoires prodigieuses: extraictes de plusieurs fameux autheurs grecs & latins, sacrez & profanes (Antwerp: Ianssens, 1594), pp. 67–8, 115, 195, 511–3, 518–28, 531; Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 368–9.
45 Rienk Vermij, ‘A Science of Signs. Aristotelian Meteorology in Reformation Germany’, Early Science and Medicine, 15 (2010), 648–74 (pp. 662–65).
46 Marcus Frytsche, Meteorum (Nuremberg: Berg, 1555), fols 130v-33r.
47 Marcus Frytsche, Catalogus prodigiorum atque ostentorum (Nuremberg: Berg, 1555), fol. A3v; Johan Funck, Chronologia (Basel: Oporinus, 1554), p. 10.
48 Frystche, Catalogus, fol. F4v. For histories of comets, see Adam Mosely, ‘The History and Historiography of Early Modern Comets’, in Christoph Rothmann’s Discourse on the Comet of 1585, ed. by Miguel Granada and others (Leiden: Brill, 2014), pp. 282–325.
49 Johannes Werner, Canones (Nuremberg: Berg, 1546).
50 Johannes Garcaeus, Meteorologia (Wittenberg: [n. pub.], 1584), fols 257v-61v.
51 For Acosta’s biography and travels, see Ana Carolina Hosne, The Jesuit Missions to China and Peru, 1570–1610: Expectations and Appraisals of Expansionism (New York: Routledge, 2013), pp. 13–26; Miguel de Asúa and Roger French, A New World of Animals: Early Modern Europeans on the Creatures of Iberian America (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), pp. 76–85. Claudio M. Burgaleta, José de Acosta, S.J. (1540–1600): His Life and Thought (Chicago: Loyola Press, 1999).
52 Bleichmar, Visible Empire, pp. 32–3.
53 Cuestionarios para la formación de las relaciones geograficas de indias siglos XVI/XIX, ed. by Francisco de Solano (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Centro de Estudios Históricos, Departamento de Historia de América, 1988), pp. 21, 81.
54 José de Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias (Seville: Leon, 1590), p. 9: ‘Mas hasta agora no he visto Autor, que trate de declarar las causas y razon de tales novedades y estrañezas de naturaleza’.
55 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 117–8.
56 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 102–15, 118–46.
57 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 125–29; Sam White, ‘Unpuzzling American Climate: New World Experience and the Foundations of a New Science’, Isis, 106 (2015), 544–66 (pp. 552–3).
58 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, p. 119. For Acosta’s discussion of the marvellous see Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, p. 26.
59 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 125, 140–6; For the tomahavi and Potosí see Nicholas A. Robins, Mercury, Mining, and Empire: The Human Ecological Cost of Colonial Mining in the Andes (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011), p. 144.
60 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, p. 123.
61 White, ‘Unpuzzling American Climate,’ pp. 550–1; Cañizares-Esguerra, Nature, p. 68.
62 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 85–6: ‘En esta linea Equinocial hallamos tantas y tan admirables propriedades, que con gran razon despiertan, y abiuan los entendimientos, para inquirir sus causas, guiandonos no tanto por la doctrina de los antiguos Philosophos, quanto por la verdadera razon, y cierta experiencia’.
63 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, p. 97: ‘La misma experiencia enseña lo proprio en cosas artificiales, como las alquitaras, y alambiques’.
64 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, p. 97.
65 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 98–100.
66 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 102–15.
67 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, p. 124: ‘yo he podido comprehender con la experiencia de algunos años’.
68 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 121–3.
69 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 130–3.
70 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 133–7.
71 Aristotle, Meteorology, 2.4.361a23–5. Translation from Aristotle, Meteorologica, trans. by H. D. P. Lee (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), p. 171.
72 Cardano, De varietate, pp. 3–20; Cardano, De aere, p. 7.
73 Cardano, De aere, pp. 8–9; Aristotle, Problemata, 26,23.942b16–20, 26,4.940b16–21.
74 Acosta, Historia natural y moral de las Indias, pp. 137–40.
75 For the various editions of Acosta’s Natural and Moral History, see Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, ‘José de Acosta, a Spanish Jesuit-Protestant Author: Print Culture, Contingency, and Deliberate Silence in the Making of the Canon’, in Encounters between Jesuits and Protestants in Asia and the Americas, ed. J. Cañizares-Esguerra and others (Leiden: Brill, 2018), pp. 185–227 (pp. 185–9).
76 Cañizares-Esguerra, ‘José de Acosta’, pp. 201–11.
77 Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, Itinerario: Voyage ofte Schipvaert (Amsterdam: Claesz, 1596).
78 Guido Giglioni, Francesco Bacone (Rome: Carocci, 2011), pp. 104–11; Paula Findlen, ‘Francis Bacon and the Reform of Natural History’, in History and the Disciplines: The Reclassification of Knowledge in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Donald R. Kelley (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 1997), pp. 239–60 (pp. 248–52).
79 Nicholas Popper, ‘An Ocean of Lies: The Problem of Historical Evidence in the Sixteenth Century’, Huntington Library Quarterly, 74 (2011), 375–400.
80 The Oxford Francis Bacon (hereafter OFB), ed. by Graham Rees and Maria Wakely (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), XI, 456. Translations of Bacon are taken from the OFB. Unless noted all other translations are mine.
81 OFB, XI, 456.
82 OFB, XII, 90. For the tradition of reading Virgil as a naturalist, see David Scott Wilson-Okamura, Virgil in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 81–2.
83 OFB, XII, 42, 58, 70.
84 OFB, XII, 32, 52, 70, 72, 78, 88.
85 OFB, XII, 34, 56. Besides Acosta, William Gilbert is the most frequently cited early modern author in this work.
86 OFB, XI, 458–60.
87 OFB, XI, 104.
88 Francis Bacon, Works, ed. by James Spedding and others (London: Longman, 1857), III, 189–90. For Bacon’s meteorological categorization, see Janković, pp. 45–7.
89 Bacon, Works, III, 189–90: ‘res sit ex naturalibus maxime instabi[lis et] quae regionibus et temporibus plurimum [vari]etur’.
90 Bacon, Works, III, 190.
91 Bacon, Works, III, 190.
92 OFB, XII, 13–7
93 OFB, IV, 26.
94 OFB, XII, 120.
95 For Bacon’s critique of Columbus, see Silvia Manzo, ‘Francis Bacon’s Natural History and Civil History: A Comparative Study’, Early Science and Medicine, 17 (2012), 32–61.
96 For the bookish nature of Bacon’s natural history and its links to the commonplace tradition see Gaukroger, Francis Bacon and the Transformation of Early-Modern Philosophy, pp. 32–4; Findlen, ‘Francis Bacon’, p. 244; Ann Blair, ‘Humanist Methods in Natural Philosophy: The Commonplace Book’, Journal of the History of Ideas, 53 (1992), 541–51.
97 OFB, XII, 70–2. For an analysis of this experiment see Jalobeanu, Art of Experimental Natural History, pp. 272–9.
98 OFB, XII, 82–4
99 OFB, XII, 104–6.
100 OFB, XII, 34.
101 OFB, XII, 132.
102 For the calendar glass, see OFB, XII, 70; for Bacon’s debt to Drebbel and Benedetti, see Arianna Borrelli, ‘The Weatherglass and its Observers in the Early Seventeenth Century’, in Philosophies of Technology, ed. Zittel and others, i, 67–130 (p. 99). For the weatherglass and its role in the production of knowledge, see Vera Keller, ‘Drebbel’s Living Instruments, Harmann’s Microcosm and Libavius’s Thelemos: Epistemic Machines before Descartes’, History of Science, 48 (2010), 39–74.
103 Craig Martin, ‘The Aeolipile as Experimental Model in Early Modern Natural Philosophy’, Perspectives on Science, 24 (2016), 264–84.
104 Rees, ‘Notes’, OFB XII, 414.
105 Ann Blair, ‘The Problemata as a Natural Philosophical Genre’, in Natural Particulars: Nature and the Disciplines in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Anthony Grafton and Nancy G. Siraisi (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1999), pp. 171–204.
106 Daniel Furlanus, Theophrastus Eresii (Hanover, 1605), p. 73 ‘Voco autem problematicum, quod in eo afferuntur causae, non exactae illae quidem & demonstrationibus accommodatae, sed probabiles, & quales ipsa rerum patitur conditio, qualesque ab Aristotle in problematis afferuntur’; p. 84: ‘sed haec Dialectice dicta sunt, & problematice’. For an analysis of the relation between the Problemata and De ventis, see Robert Mayhew, ‘Problemata 26 and Theophrastus’ De ventis: A Preliminary Comparison’, in The Aristotelian Problemata Physica: Philosophical and Scientific Investigations, ed. by Robert Mayhew (Leiden: Brill, 2015), pp. 294–310.
107 OFB, IV, 91.
108 Bacon, Works, I, 562. For Bacon’s interest in the problemata genre, see Gaukroger, p. 70.
109 Statuta antiqua universitatis oxoniensis, ed. by Strickland Gibson (Oxford: Clarendon, 1931), p. 344; Charles B. Schmitt, John Case and Aristotelianism in Renaissance England (Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1983), pp. 41, 52.
110 Statuta academiae cantabrigiensis (Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 1785), pp. 179, 227.
111 Registrum annalium collegii mertonensis 1521–67, ed. by John M. Fletcher (Oxford: Clarendon, 1974), p. 86.
112 Bacon, Works, I, 838.
113 OFB, XI, 100; Bacon, Works, III, 188.
114 See the notes at OFB, XII, 391–401.
115 OFB, XII, 60.
116 OFB, XII, 28–32. Early examples of the 32-wind system are found in Peter Apian, fols 22v-24r; Cortes, fol. 61r; Pedro de Medina, fols 29r-29v.
117 There is no direct evidence Bacon read Mizauld. However, they both use the infrequently used word assecla to categorize winds. See OFB, XII, 21 and Antoine Mizauld, Meteorologia sive perspicua declaratio rerum quae in aere fiunt (Paris: Macé, 1587), fol. 17r.
118 OFB VI, 76–78; OFB XI, 314–6.
119 OFB, XII, 34–6.
120 OFB, XII, 54–64.
121 OFB, XII, 68.
122 Antonio Musa Brasavola, In octo libros Aphorismorum Hippocratis et Galeni, commentaria et annotationes (Basel: Froben, 1541), p. 366; Cardano, De varietate, p. 16.
123 OFB, XII, 82–85.
124 OFB, XII, 74, 76, 84, 120
125 OFB, XII, 124–5.
126 OFB, XII, 56. Bacon did not use the word pneuma in this work.
127 OFB, XII, 124–9.
128 Ralph Bohun, Discourse concerning the Origine and Properties of Wind (Oxford: Hall, 1671), pp. 9, 16. For a summary of Bohum, see Ignace Gaston Pardies, ‘An Accompt of Some Books’, Philosophical Transactions, 7 (1672), 5147–51.
129 Isaac Vossius, De motu marium et ventorum liber (The Hague: Vlacq, 1663), pp. 93–9.
130 Edmund Halley, ‘An Historical Account of the Trade Winds, and Monsoons, Observable in the Seas between and near the Tropicks, with an Attempt to Assign the Phisical Cause of the Said Winds’, Philosophical Transactions, 16 (1686–1692), 153–68. For Halley’s observations see Lorraine Daston, ‘The Empire of Observation: 1600–1800’, in Histories of Observation, ed. by Daston and Lunbeck, pp. 81–113 (p. 91).
131 Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, ‘Iberian Science in the Renaissance: Ignored How Much Longer?’ Perspectives on Science, 12 (2004), 86–125.
132 Levitin, ‘Early Modern Experimental Philosophy’, p. 240.
133 Pamela O. Long, Artisan/Practitioners and the Rise of the New Sciences, 1400–1600 (Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2014).