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Abstract
Greater Syria experienced several civil wars in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries affecting women and children, the most vulnerable segments of the population whose history is rarely told. This article deals with Syrian children orphaned as a result of the 1860 Civil War in Mount Lebanon and Damascus and from other parts of Ottoman Palestine who were brought to the Syrian orphanage in Jerusalem founded by the German Protestant missionary Johann Ludwig Schneller. His annual reports (1861–3) provide much needed data on the emotional and physical condition of orphans from agrarian regions in Greater Syria and contribute to a better understanding of the historiography of childhood in the region.
Acknowledgments
I would like to thank Dr. Jakob Eisler for his support and help. Without his encouragement and enthusiasm this article would not have come to fruition. I am also grateful to Dr. Gill Gordon and the staff of the Evangelisches Landeskirchliches Archiv, Stuttgart.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 For more details, see A. James and A. Prout (eds), Constructing and Reconstructing Childhood Reader: Contemporary Issues in the Sociological Study of Childhood (2nd ed., New York: Routledge, 2002).
2 See for example, H. Morrison (ed.), The Global History of the Childhood Reader (London: Routledge, Taylor and Francis, 2012); N. Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire (New York: Syracuse University Press, 2014); E. Warnock Fernea (ed.), Children in the Muslim Middle East (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1987); E. Warnock Fernea (ed.), Remembering Childhood in the Middle East: Memoirs from a Century of Change (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2002); B. Baron, Orphans and Abandoned Children in Modern Egypt in N. Naguib and I. M. Okkenhaug (eds), Interpreting Welfare and Relief in the Middle East (Leiden: Brill, 2008), pp.13–34. Research on childhood and children during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries has developed mainly in connection with national and state projects, education and children's rights and lately with regard to the ‘Arab Spring.’ On children’s agency see H. Hendrick, The Child as a Social Actor in Historical Sources: Problems of Identification and Interpretation, in P. Christensen and A. James (eds), Research with Children: Perspectives and Practices (New York: Routledge, 2008), pp.40–62.
3 See for example, M. L. Meriwether, The Kin Who Count: Family and Society in Ottoman Aleppo, 1770–1840 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999); J. Tucker, In the House of the Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); M. C. Zilfi, Women in Ottoman Empire: Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era (Leiden: Brill, 1997); A. Duben and B. Cem, Istanbul Households: Marriage, Family and Fertility, 1880–1940 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); N. Ozbek, ‘Philanthropic Activity, Ottoman Patriotism, and The Hamidian Regim, 1876–1909’, International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies Vol.37 (2005), pp.59–81; B. Baron, The Orphan Scandal: Christian Missionaries and the Rise of the Muslim Brotherhood (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014); A. El Azhary Sonbol, Adults and Minors in Ottoman Shariʿa Courts and Modern Law, in A. El Azhary Sonbol (ed.), Women, the Family, and Divorce Laws in Islamic History (Syracuse and New York: Syracuse University Press, 1996), pp.236–56; E. Ginio, The Ottoman Culture of Defeat: The Balkan Wars and their Aftermath (London: Hurst and Company, 2016).
4 N. Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2014), pp.8–9.
5 On the Schneller family see, J. Eisler and A. G. Krauß, Bibliographie der Familie Schneller: Das Syrische Waisenhaus in Jerusalem [The Biography of the Schneller Family: The Syrian Orphanage in Jerusalem] (Stuttgart: Verein für Württembergische Kirchengeschichte, 2006), pp.23–8. After Johann Ludwig, who headed the institution from 1860 to 1896, the orphanage was run by his son Theodor from 1896–1928 and then from 1928–1940, by Johann Ludwig’s grandson, Hermann; S. Akel, Der Pädagoge und Missionar Johann Ludwig Schneller und seine Erziehungsanstalten (Bielefeld: Wilhelm Surbir, 1978).
6 See for example, R. Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary and Educational Institution into a Social Services Enterprise: The Case of the Syrian Orphanage (1860–1945)’, in H. Murre-van der Berg (ed.), New Fate in Ancient Land: Western Missions in the Middle East in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2006), pp.151–74; G. Gordon, ‘Soḥen tarbut be-aretz zara: trumat irgun ha-misyon shel beyt hayetomim ha-Suri (Shneler) le-tarbut ḥomrit shel Eretz Israel be-shalhey ha-tḳufa ha-‘Uthmanit’ [Agent of Change in Foreign Land: The Contribution of the Syrian Orphanage Mission Organization (Schneller) to the Material Culture of the Land of Israel at the End of the Ottoman Period]’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, Haifa University, 2012), pp.47–8. There is a growing body of research on German missionaries in Greater Syria from the point of view of gender and cultural studies and orphanhood. See for example, J. Hauser, German Religious Women in Late Ottoman Beirut. Competing Missions (Leiden: Brill, 2015), especially chapter 5; J. Hauser, C. B. Lindner and E. Möller (eds), Entangled Education: Foreign and Local Schools in Ottoman Syria and Mandate Lebanon (19th–20th centuries) (Beirut: Orient-Institut; Würzburg: Ergon Verlag in Kommission, 2016).
7 Islamic law treats the orphaned and abandoned as deserving poor, defines the responsibilities of guardians and protects their inheritance. The child’s mother, if still alive, has no oversight over the child’s upbringing. The guardian is a male family member. Social welfare is the responsibility of religious institutions. See M. Yazbak, ‘Muslim Orphans and the Sharica in Ottoman Palestine according to Sijill Records’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient Vol.44, No.2 (2001), pp.123–40: M. Bonner, M. Ener and A. Singer (eds), Poverty and Charity in Middle Eastern Contexts (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003).
8 J. Eisler, ‘Syrisches Waisenhaus und Schneller-Schulen im Nahen Osten – 150 Jahre im Wandel’ [Syrian Orphanage and Schneller Schools in the Middle East – 150 Years of Change] in J. Eisler (ed.), Blätter für württembergische Kirchengeschichte [Records of Württemberg Church History], 111 (Stuttgart: Scheufele, 2011), pp.15–131.
9 Baron, The Orphan Scandal, p.xiii.
10 Y. Ben-Arieh, Jerusalem in the 19th Century: The Old City (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi Institute, 1984), pp.250–64. American Protestants first came to Greater Syria in the 1820s; the German Protestants arrived in the 1840s. The attitude of the Ottomans toward the Protestant Church was that since they (the Ottomans) had conquered the region of Greater Syria and Egypt in 1516, i.e. a year before the Protestant Church was founded, the Protestants had no right to build their churches or settle in Jerusalem. However, because the Germans Protestants, who came to the region in the 1840s and the British who helped the Ottomans to re-conquer the region from Ibrahim Pasha also settled in the 1840s, they allowed them to be active in Palestine. For this reason, the Protestant missionaries divided up the region between themselves: the English and German missionaries stayed in Jerusalem/Palestine whereas the Americans became active especially in Mount Lebanon and Beirut. See A. Schölch, Palestine in Transformation 1856–1882: Studies in Social, Economic and Political Development (Washington DC: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1993). Translated from German by W. C. Young and M. C. Gerrity.
11 For more details see, Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.154.
12 See for more details, cAbd ar-Ra’uf Sinu, al-Masalih al-cAlmaniyya fi Suriya wa-Falastin 1841–1901 [German Interests in Syria and Palestine] (Beirut: Machad al-Inmac al-cArabi, 1987), pp.8–49.
13 J. Eisler and Arno G. Krauß (eds) Nach Jerusalem Müssen wir Fahren: das Reisetagebuch des Pädagogen und Missionars Johann Ludwig Schneller im Herbst 1854 [To Jerusalem We Have to Drive: The Travel Dairy of the Educator and Missionary Johann Ludwig Schneller in Autumn 1854] (Biersfelden: Arte Media, 2002).
14 A. Carmel, ‘C. F. Spittler and the Activities of the Pilgrims Mission in Jerusalem’, in Gad Gilbar (ed.), Ottoman Palestine, 1800–1914: Studies in Economic and Social History (Leiden: Brill, 1990), pp.255–86; Eisler, ‘Syrisches Waisenhaus und Schneller’; Akel, Der Pädagoge und Missionar Johann Ludwig Schneller; A. Carmel, Christen als Pioniere im Heiligen Land (Basel: Friedrich Reinhardt, 1981).
15 It is difficult to estimate the exact number of fatalities in the 1860 civil war. The German Protestant Missionaries estimated that between 20,000 and 25,000 Arab Christians lost their lives. Evangelisches Landeskirchliches Archiv, Stuttgart, Germany (ELKAS), K8/99, ‘The Missionary Aim of the Syrian Orphanage’, Jerusalem Messenger (journal) Vol.2 (1937), p.10; Fawaz writes that for Damascus alone 500 to 10,000 people are estimated to have died in this war. L. Fawaz, An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus in 1860 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), p.132. See also p.66.
16 On the name, see ELKAS, K8/99, ‘The Missionary Aim of the Syrian Orphanage’, Jerusalem Messenger Vol.2, No.34 (1937), p.10; an analysis of the statistics in Schneller’s report (1861–1881) on the number of orphans from Greater Syria suggests that until the 1880s Syrian children accounted for almost half of the number of wards. For example in 1875, 15 years after the founding of the Syrian Orphanage it housed 70 children. Schneller emphasizes that half of them came from Mount Lebanon and its surroundings. A few of them were Muslims. In 1881 of the 123 children in the orphanage, 53 were from Greater Syria. The orphans came from families such as the Habib, ‘Abud, Butrus, Wahbi, Badr, Libbis, Hakim, Yazbak. See ELKAS, K8/101/1875, Schneller’s Annual Reports, 11–14 and K8/101/1881, Schneller’s Annual Report, 16–19. Löffler indicates that Schneller’s statistics show that from 1860–1877 the school had 210 graduates, out of whom 88 came from peasants (fallahun), 64 from artisan families, and 16 from merchant families. Twenty pupils were children of beggars and ten were foundlings. Only twelve came from well-educated families. Half of the students came from Ottoman Palestine, 30 per cent from Syria, 7 per cent from Africa, and the rest from Turkish provinces and Armenian territories. Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.164; see also, Gordon, ‘Soḥen tarbut be-aretz zara’, p.46; Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.164.
17 The first Orphanage for girls was opened by the German Deaconess Sisters of Kaiserswerth in 1851. Schneller was the second who opened an orphanage which became the biggest one in Palestine. On the first orphanage see J. Eisler, ‘Charlotte Pilz and the Beginnings of Kaiserwerth’s Near East Work’, in A. Nothnagle (ed.), Girl stand Up (Leipzig: Evang. Verl. Anst., 2001), pp.11–24. With regard to being the largest orphanage, it is important to note that as of the 1820s, American missionaries had gradually developed school networks (as well as boarding schools) in Beirut and Mount Lebanon mainly as educational institutions, but the German Protestants were one of the first to establish an orphanage in which the children were instructed but also were taught a profession and crucially did not leave until they were able to support themselves.
18 Missionaries in the region of Greater Syria competed for orphan children. Documents prove that Catholic missionaries kidnapped orphans from Schneller who also tried to kidnap orphans from them. Eventually, Schneller had to build a wall around the orphanage to protect his wards. On indolence, see Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, pp.160–1.
19 Löffler writes, ‘The Syrian Orphanage is a child of South German Pietism, which can be characterized by a mixture of biblicism, pious idealism, and religious individualism.’ Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.153; Akel, Der Pädagoge und Missionar Johann Ludwig Schneller, pp.63–7.
20 See for more details, ELKAS, K8, Zeugnissbuch (1927–1948).
21 ELKAS, K8/99, Jerusalem Messenger Vol.1, No.3 (1926), p.58.
22 J. Eisler, N. Haag and S. Holtz (eds) Kultureller Wandel in Palästina im Frühen 20. Jahrhundert (Epfendorf: Bibliotheca Academica, 2003), pp.297–303.
23 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.13.
24 Akel, Der Pädagoge und Missionar Johann Ludwig Schneller, pp.97–112.
25 Gordon, Soḥen tarbut be-aretz zara, pp.47–8.
26 Y. Ben-Arieh, Jerusalem in the 19th century: Emergence of the New City (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi; New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1986), p.70. On the development of the Syrian Orphanage into a neighborhood, see G. Gordon, ‘Mi-taḥanat misyon to shkhuna: hitpatḥut mitḥam beyt ha-yetomim ha-suri shel shneler be-yirushalayim be-shalhey ha-‘idan ha-‘uthmani’ [From a Missionary Station to a Neighborhood: The Development of the Syrian Orphanage Domain of Schneller in Jerusalem toward the end of the Ottoman Period], Cathedra Vol.128 (2008), pp.73–100.
27 G. Gordon, ‘Ha-tov mi-kulam be-omanut shḥora: beyt ha-dfus shel hamisyon ha-germani shel shneler be-yirushalayim be-shalhey ha-tḳufa ha-‘uthmanit’ [The Best in Black Craft: the Printing Press of Schneller’s German Mission in Jerusalem at the End of the Ottoman Period], Cathedra Vol. 138 (210), pp.83–110.
28 On the capitalistically driven enterprise, see ELKAS, K8/DB/35/253, Sacid Aghabi, ‘al-Sinaca fi dar al-aytam al-Suri’ [Handicraft in the Syrian Orphanage] in Dhikrayat bacd khirriji madrasat Shnillir [Memoirs of a Number of Graduates of the Schneller School] (Amman: Madrasat Thiyudur Shnillir, 1964), pp. 24–7. The growing importance of the orphanage can be seen in the visit of Kaisler Wilhelm the Second to the orphanage in 1898. See, A. Carmel and J. Eisler, Der Kaiser Reist ins Heilige Land: Die Palästinareise Wilhelms II. 1898 [The Emperor Travels to the Holy Land: The Palestine Journey of Wilhelm II. 1898] (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer Verlag, 1999).
29 Unfortunately, there are no photographs from the Syrian orphanage in its earlier years. Only a few sketches have survived. The photographs presented in the text are more recent and simply provide an idea of the atmosphere in the orphanage.
30 As the number of Armenian children increased, Theodor Schneller founded a separate Armenian Orphanage with 120 Armenians. ELKAS, K8/99, Jerusalem Messenger Vol.2, No.29 (1935), p.646; Gordon, Soḥen tarbut be-aretz zara, pp.97–9. Löffler writes that after a quarter of a century, the Syrian Orphanage could present remarkable results: 25 years after its establishment it trained 124 children. In 1939 the classes were filled with 400 pupils of both sexes. After 25 years the school counted 414 graduates, after 40 years 1200, and after eighty years 3,500 pupils. Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.165.
31 On the condition of the Syrian Orphanage during the Second World War see, ELKAS, K8/99, ‘Reports From the Institutions and Stations of the Syrian Orphanage’, Jerusalem Messenger Vol.2, No.42 (1939), pp.203–6.
32 For more details, see Gordon, Soḥen tarbut be-aretz zara, pp.74–110; A. Maurer, ‘Die Neugründung, Der Schneller-Schulen im Libanon und in Jordanien nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg’, [The New Foundation, The Schneller Schools in Lebanon and Jordan after the Second World War] Blätter für württembergische Kirchengeschichte Vol. 111 (2011), pp.123–31.
33 As of the 1850s the Ottoman state in Istanbul set up an authority to administer a central fund for orphans and oversight over orphan properties as part of a series of reforms to strengthen state control over the sharica courts and judges. For more details, see Iris Agmon, Family and Court: Legal Culture and Modernity in Late Ottoman Palestine (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2006), Chapter 5; Baron, The Orphan Scandal, p.28.
34 For more details, see A. Zeren, ‘“Traditional or ‘Modern”: The Reforms in the Ottoman Understanding toward “Children” in the Late Nineteenth Century’, International Journal of Arts & Sciences Vol. 4, No. 17 (2011), pp.50–75.
35 N. Maksudyan, ‘Orphans, Cities, and the State: Vocational Orphanages (Islahhans) and Reform in the Late Ottoman Urban Space’, International Journal of Middle East Studies Vol.43 (2011), p.494: Maksudyan, Orphans and Destitute Children in the Late Ottoman Empire, pp.78–9; F. Turgut, ‘Policing the Poor in the Late Ottoman Empire’, Middle Eastern Studies Vol.38, No. 2 (2002), pp.149–64.
36 Hauser, German Religious Women in Late Ottoman Beirut, p.120, note 25.
37 Ludfik Shnillir, al-Ab Shnillir [Father Schneller] (Beirut: Dar al-Rayhani lil-Tabaca wa-l-Nashr, 1897), pp.75–80, 81. Translated by Iliyas Nasrallah al-Haddad; Sinu, al-Masalih al-cAlmaniyya fi Suriya wa-Falastin 1841–1901, pp. 63–5. Somewhere it is written that ten children were brought to the orphanage, See ELKAS, K8/77, Theodor Schneller, Akhbar Dar al-Aytam al-Suriyya [News of the Syrian Orphanage] Vol.3, No.2 (1930), p.1; Eisler, ‘Syrisches Waisenhaus und Schneller’, pp.15–8.
38 I would like to thank Dr. Jakob Eisler for helping me translate Schneller’s Annual report from Altdeutsch (Old German).
39 Some note that in the first year there were 40 or even 41 children. See Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.165.
40 For more details, see Agmon, Family Court: Legal Culture and Modernity in Late Ottoman Palestine; A. Cohen, A World within: Jewish Life as Reflected in Muslim Court Documents from the Sijill of Jerusalem, 2 vols (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania University Press, 1994); J. Tucker, In the House of the Law: Gender and Islamic Law in Ottoman Syria and Palestine (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1998), Chapter 4; Yazbak, ‘Muslim Orphans and the Sharica in Ottoman Palestine according to Sijill Records’, pp. 123–40; I. Rabayca (ed.) Sajll mahkamat al-quds al-sharciyya al-cUthmaniyya raqm 152 [Registration of the Jerusalem Ottoman Sharica Court number 152] (Ramallah: Dar al-Shima lil-Nashr wal Tawzic, 2011).
41 I would like to thank Gil Gordon for drawing my attention to this explanation.
42 Since places and names were written in German some were difficult to identify; these instances are indicated by a question mark. Archiv der Pilgermission St. Chrischona bei Basel, Switzerland (APM), Protokollbuch 1860–1865; ELKAS, K8/77, Theodor Schneller, Akhbar dar al-aytam (journal) al-Suriyya 3, No.2 (1930), p.1.
43 See also, ELKAS, K8/77, Ibrahim Mikha’il cAta, ‘Ma adhkuruhu mundhu khamsin cam’, [My Memories of Fifty Years Ago] Akhbar dar al-aytam al-Suriyya 5, No.6 (1933), pp.3–4; 6, No.1 (1933), p.2; 6, No.2 (1933), p.2.
44 J. Eisler and I. Gulden (eds) Inventar Findbuch (Inventory of the archival material), K8 Syrisches Waisenhaus (Stuttgart: Landeskirchliches, 2002), pp.8–17; for more details see Roland Löffler, ‘The Metamorphosis of a Pietistic Missionary’, p.151, note 1.
45 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.10. See, F. Zachs, The Private World of Women and Children: Lullabies and Nursery Rhymes in 19th Century Greater Syria, in H. Mahmoudi and S. Mintz (eds) Children and Youth in an Interconnected World. Forthcoming.
46 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.8.
47 L. Kozma, ‘Between Colonial, National, and International Medicine: The Case of Bejel’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine Vol.91, No.4 (2017), pp.750–51. E. H. Hudson, Non-Venereal Syphilis: A Sociological and Medical Study of Bejel (Edinburgh: E & S Livingstone, 1958), pp.4, 8.
48 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.9.
49 Ibid., p.10.
50 ELKAS, K8/101/1861, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.4.
51 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.8.
52 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.9.
53 ELKAS, K8/101/1861, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.4.
54 Colin Heywood, A History of Childhood (London: Polity Press in association with Blackwell Publications, 2008), pp.4–5.
55 See for example S. Olsen (ed.) Childhood, Youth and Emotions in Modern History: National, Colonial and Global Perspectives (New-York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); M. Laffan and M. Weiss (eds.) Facing Fear: The History of an Emotion in Global Perspective (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2012); J. Liliequist, A History of Emotions 1200–1800 (London: Pickering and Chatto, 2012).
56 M. Pernau-Reifeld, Civilizing Emotions: Concepts in Nineteenth-Century Asia and Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), p.13.
57 W. Andrews, Ottoman Love: Preface to A Theory of Emotional Ecology, in J. Liliequist (ed.), A History of Emotions, 1200–1800 (London and Vermont: Pickering and Chatto, 2012), pp.21; 21–47.
58 ELKAS, K8/101/1861, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.5.
59 Ibid., p.5.
60 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.8.
61 See for example the institutionalization of children in Europe in inhumane disciplinary conditions: David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum: Social Order and Disorder in the New Republic (New-York: Aldine Gruyter, 2002).
62 P. N. Stearns, ‘Obedience and Emotion: A Challenge in the Emotional History of Childhood’, Journal of Social History Vol.47, No.3 (2014), pp.593–611.
63 Ibid., p.594.
64 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.7.
65 Ibid.
66 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.9.
67 ELKAS, K8/101/1861, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.5.
68 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.13.
69 ELKAS, K8/101/1861, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.6.
70 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.7; K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.14.
71 ELKAS, K8/101/1863, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.11.
72 ELKAS, K8/101/1862, Schneller’s Annual Report of the Syrian Orphanage, p.7.
73 Ibid., p.6.
74 Hauser, Ottoman Religious Women in Late Ottoman Beirut, p.120, note, 25.