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Notes
1 Kori Schake, ‘NATO’s in Crisis! (Again)’, Foreign Policy, 16 February 2017.
2 Wallace J Thies, Why NATO Endures (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009), p. ix; Seth A Johnston, How NATO Adapts: Strategy and Organization in the Atlantic Alliance since 1950 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2017). See also Sten Rynning, ‘NATO’s Futures: The Atlantic Alliance Between Power and Purpose’, NDC Research Paper Series (No. 2, March 2019).
3 Stanley R Sloan, NATO, the European Union, and the Atlantic Community: The Transatlantic Bargain Challenged (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), p. 1.
4 Geir Lundestad, ‘Empire by Invitation? The United States and Western Europe, 1945–1952’, Journal of Peace Research (Vol. 23, No. 3, 1986), pp. 263–77.
5 Thies, Why NATO Endures, pp. 200, 218, 294.
6 Timothy Andrews Sayle, Enduring Alliance: A History of NATO and the Postwar Global Order (New York, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019), pp. 34–37, 45–75; Frederic Bozo, Two Strategies for Europe: De Gaulle, the United States, and the Atlantic Alliance (Oxford: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
7 Catherine McArdle Kelleher, ‘The Present as Prologue: Europe and Theater Nuclear Modernization’, International Security (Vol. 5, No. 4, Spring 1981), pp. 150–68; Leopoldo Nuti et al. (eds), The Euromissile Crisis and the End of the Cold War (Redwood City, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015).
8 R Nicholas Burns, ‘NATO Has Adapted: An Alliance with a New Mission’, New York Times, 24 May 2003.
9 For the Norwegian case, see Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of Defence, ‘A Good Ally: Norway in Afghanistan 2001–2014’, Official Norwegian Reports (NOU 2016: 8), 6 June 2016, <https://www.regjeringen.no/contentassets/09faceca099c4b8bac85ca8495e12d2d/en-gb/pdfs/nou201620160008000engpdfs.pdf>, accessed 5 February 2020.
10 Frederick Ben Hodges, ‘Adapting NATO to Deter Russia: Military Challenges and Policy Recommendations’, in Mark Voyger (ed.), NATO at 70 and the Baltic States: Strengthening the Euro-Atlantic Alliance in an Age of Non-Linear Threats (Tartu, Estonia: Baltic Defence College, 2019), p. 18.
11 For a good overview, see Sten Rynning, ‘Sustaining NATO by Consultation: Hard Choices for Europe’, Journal of Transatlantic Studies (Vol. 17, No. 2, June 2019), pp. 139–56.
12 Rolf Tamnes and Robin M Allers, ‘Just Do It: Bilateral and Minilateral Cooperation to Invigorate European Security’, in Robin M Allers, Carlo Masala and Rolf Tamnes (eds), Common or Divided Security? German and Norwegian Perspectives on Euro-Atlantic Security (Frankfurt: Peter Lang Publishing Group, 2014).
13 See George Kennan, ‘The Charge in the Soviet Union (Kennan) to the Secretary of State', telegram, National Security Archive, 22 February 1946, <https://nsarchive2.gwu.edu/coldwar/documents/episode-1/kennan.htm>, accessed 5 February 2020.
14 John Lewis Gaddis, George F. Kennan: An American Life (New York, NY: Penguin Press, 2011), pp. 201–22.
15 For further information about the four pillars of Russian strategic culture, see Stephen R Covington, ‘The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare’, Harvard Kennedy School, Belfer Center, October 2016.
16 Robert Dalsjö, Christofer Berglund and Michael Jonsson, ‘Bursting the Bubble: Russian A2/AD in the Baltic Sea Region: Capabilities, Countermeasures, and Implications’, FOI-R—4651--SE, March 2019.
17 The term ‘flank’ has become commonly used but it is misleading as it implies there is a main direction or front, which is no longer the case in Europe.
18 Dmitry (Dima) Adamsky, Cross-Domain Coercion: The Current Russian Art of Strategy, Proliferation Papers No. 54 (Paris: IFRI, November 2015), p. 10. ‘Hybrid’ is a useful term to describe what has been written here. It does not mean that hybrid warfare is a formal comprehensive Russian strategic concept, however. See Sandor Fabian, ‘The Russian Hybrid Warfare Strategy – Neither Russian Nor Strategy’, Defense and Security Analysis (Vol. 35, No. 3, 2019), pp. 308–25.
19 Susan Davis, ‘NATO in the Cyber Age: Strengthening Security & Defence, Stabilising Deterrence’, NATO Parliamentary Assembly, October 2019.
20 Stacie L Pettyjohn and Becca Wasser, ‘Competing in the Gray Zone: Russian Tactics and Western Responses’, RAND Corporation, 2019; John R Deni, ‘The Paradox at the Heart of NATO’s Return to Article 5’, RUSI Newsbrief (Vol. 39, No. 10, November/December 2019).
21 Douglas Lute and R Nicholas Burns, ‘NATO at Seventy: An Alliance in Crisis’, Harvard Kennedy School, Belfer Center, February 2019.
22 Lawrence S Kaplan, The United States and NATO: The Formative Years (Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1984), pp. 75–86.
23 Geir Lundestad, The United States and Western Europe Since 1945 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); Wallace J Thies, Friendly Rivals: Bargaining and Burden-Shifting in NATO (Armonk, NY: M E Sharpe, 2002).
24 NATO, ‘Defence Expenditure of NATO Countries (2013–2019)’, 29 November 2019.
25 Peter Viggo Jakobsen and Jens Ringsmose, ‘Burden-Sharing in NATO: The Trump Effect Won’t Last’, NUPI Policy Brief (No. 16, 2017).
26 Anthony H Cordesman, ‘“Burden-Sharing” and the 2% of GDP Solution: A Study in Military Absurdity’, CSIS, 23 October 2019; Rolf Tamnes, The High North: A Call for a Competitive Strategy, RUSI Whitehall Paper 93 (London: Taylor and Francis, 2018).