Abstract
The specificity of political and economic changes in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) over the past decade requires detailed theoretical analysis and in-depth empirical research. In particular, the so-called illiberal turn in politics and the accompanying economic reforms are of interest to social scientists. This article attempts to explain this turn in the context of social policy changes, based on the example of the Family 500+ programme in Poland during the rule of the populist political party Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice, or PiS). To demonstrate the instrumental role of this programme in the implementation of the illiberal strategy, the concept of the commodification of social benefits is used to shed new light on the specificity of Polish ‘pseudo-social welfare’. Hence, the main premise of this article is the thesis that the Family 500+ programme not only fails to constitute the foundation of the Polish welfare state, but, through the commodification of social relations and cuts within the de-commodified social services, it reinforces neoliberal economic forces and the importance of the state.
Notes
1 The ZOMO (Zmechanizowane Oddzialy Milicji Obywatelskiej, or Motorized Reserves of the Citizens’ Militia) were militia units specializing in suppressing mass demonstrations under real socialism. Today it is synonymous with state violence against striking workers and oppositionists.
2 Father Rydzyk is the founder and director of a Catholic radio station (Radio Maryja, or Radio Mary) and television station (Telewizja Trwam), as well as the College of Social and Media Culture in Torun. He is considered a very influential figure when it comes to shaping the attitudes of Catholics, which is why he often forms ‘alliances’ with right-wing politicians, whom he supports with the help of controlled media.
3 Let me just point out for the sake of argument that it is an issue for another study to look at PiS social policy through the prism of welfare chauvinism. According to Andersen and Bjørklund’s (Citation1990, p. 211) already classic view, welfare chauvinism is a preference in which ‘welfare services should be restricted to “our own”’.
4 The first version of my article was sent to editors on 6 September 2021, and Stuart Shields’ text (Citation2021) was published online on September 28. I was not familiar with this paper when I wrote my article, although our reasoning is very much aligned.