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Articles

Antifa without fascism: the reasons behind the anti-fascist movement in Ireland

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Pages 115-137 | Published online: 28 Jan 2019
 

ABSTRACT

The anti-fascist movement is generally viewed as a reaction to the extreme right by concerned left-wing activists. Therefore we would not expect the Antifa to feature in countries where extreme right activism is not a feature of the politics. However, Ireland has no significant extreme right but it still has an anti-fascist movement that plays an influential role within radical left circles. By treating Ireland as an outlier in relation to the existing reactive explanation for anti-fascist mobilisation this paper takes a deviant case analysis approach to generate novel hypotheses behind the reasons for the anti-fascist movement. First, anti-fascism acts as a site of left convergence, an area of unity that transcends the usual ideological divisions that can impede other types of political collaboration in a fragmented radical left activist base. Second, in the absence of effective extreme right forces, anti-fascism acts as a form of prophylactic action. In effect, the aim of this activism is to deny political space to extreme right micro groups before they become a popular force or a more serious political threat. Finally, a close cultural lineage between elements within the left and a past revolutionary tradition will increase the appeal of anti-fascist activism among left-wing activists.

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Dr Eoin O’Malley, Dr Alex Baturo and Dr Humphreys for their help and advice on this paper. My thanks also goes to those attending the 2018 ECPR Joint Sessions workshop on Rethinking “Militant Democracy” for their comments on an early draft of this paper, and to the activists of AFA Ireland who generously gave of their time to facilitate interviews.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 Seven interviews were carried out in November 2017 under conditions of anonymity, due to potential legal concerns. All interviewed activists have organisational responsibilities within the movement.

2 The term Antifa and militant anti-fascism can effectively be used interchangeably.

3 Interestingly, one AFA activist (AFA 4) posited a third theory for the lack of a radical right that has yet to be examined in an Irish context. Based on Trotsky’s (Citation1969) analysis of fascism, this activist claimed that racism is something that the right uses as a mobilising tool when the left poses a threat to their dominance. Given the lack of an effective left-wing electoral challenge in Ireland, the right has never needed to mobilise anti-immigrant sentiment.

4 This constitutional referendum was designed to address the fact that citizenship was available to all children born in Ireland; including the children of immigrants and asylum-seekers (Garner, Citation2007, p. 122).

5 Author's interviews with AFA Ireland activists.

6 Author's interview with AFA Ireland activists (AFA 1; AFA 4; AFA 5).

7 Author's interview with AFA 1 and AFA 2.

8 Author's interview with AFA 1 and AFA 2.

9 Author's interview with AFA 1.

10 Author's interview with AFA 1 and AFA 2.

11 Author's interview with AFA 1, AFA 2 and AFA 5.

12 Unlike with Red Action, there is no evidence to suggest that the paramilitary organisations linked to some of these dissident Republican groups take any part in AFA Ireland activism.

13 Author's interview with AFA 1, AFA 4 and AFA 5.

14 Author's interview with AFA 1, AFA 2 and AFA 5.

15 Author's interview with AFA 4.

16 Author's interview with AFA 3 and AFA 5.

17 Author's interview with AFA 3.

18 Author's observation of event, 6 February 2016.

19 Most of this left-wing tradition within AFA Ireland (with the exception of The Workers’ Party) would view the conflict in the North as part of a continued nationalist struggle against state-led oppression; albeit a deeply flawed and sectarian one.

20 Author's interview with AFA 1 and AFA 2.

21 Author's interview with AFA 5.

22 Author's interview with AFA 4 and AFA 5.

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the Dublin City University Postgraduate Publication Scheme.

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