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Research Article

Implausible sovereigns and their organizational logic: violent non-state actors’ response to COVID-19

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Pages 1302-1331 | Received 02 Nov 2020, Accepted 05 Jul 2021, Published online: 31 Aug 2021
 

ABSTRACT

The havoc and disarray among governments and societies caused by the COVID-19 outbreak also invited opportunities for violent non-state actors to exploit for their advantage governments’ failure to provide an adequate public health response or their denigration of security apparatuses due to the outbreak. Focusing on the early months of the outbreak, this study examines three courses of actions taken by those actors and the potential explanation for the variation in responses. The responses examined are actors offering COVID-related public health response as a surrogate for the state, the extension of hostilities, and the request for a ceasefire. Looking at a sample of 72 groups we suggest that the actors’ governance levels, which dictate their organizational logic and behavior, are strong predictors for the likelihood of them offering public health support, conduct attacks, or pursues a ceasefire during the period examined.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1. Cancian, “How Coronavirus Could Hurt.”

2. Dodds et al., “The COVID-19 pandemic.”

3. Ackerman and Peterson, “Terrorism and COVID-19”; and Simons and Cristina, “The Specter of Terrorism.”

4. Ackerman and Peterson, “Terrorism and COVID-19”; and Furlan, “Rebel Governance.”

5. Ackerman and Peterson, “Terrorism and COVID-19”; Khalaf, “Governing Rojava”; MOSECON, “Terrorism and Covid-19”; Nicholson, “COVID-19 an opportunity for terrorists”; and Simons and Cristina, “The Specter of Terrorism.”

6. UN, “COVID-19 threatening global peace.”

7. Pavlik, “A great and sudden change.”

8. Furlan, “Rebel Governance.”

9. Bakker, Raab, and Milward, “A preliminary theory”; Chou, “Seen like a state”; Schoon, “The paradox of legitimacy”; Schoon, “Rethinking legitimacy and illegitimacy”; and Schoon, “Building legitimacy.”

10. Arjona, Rebelocracy; Baylouny, “Born violent”; Brenner, Rebel politics.; Flanigan and Abdel‐Samad, “Hezbollah’s social jihad”; Flanigan, “Motivations and implications of community service provision”; Idler and Forest, “Behavioral patterns among (violent) non-state actors”; Mampilly, Rebel rulers; Risse, Governance without a state?; and Stokke, “Building the Tamil Eelam State.”

11. Szekely, “Doing Well by Doing Good”; and Malejacq, “From Rebel to Quasi-State.”

12. Arjona, Rebelocracy.

13. Arjona, Kasfir, and Mampilly, Rebel governance in civil war.

14. Berti, “From Cooperation to Competition.”

15. Kahler and Lake, “Governance in a global economy.”

16. Tilly, The politics of collective violence.

17. De la Calle and Sánchez-Cuenca, “Killing and voting in the Basque country.”

18. Kaldor, New and old wars; and Le Billon, “The political ecology of war.”

19. Brenner. Rebel politics.

20. Gberie, A dirty war in West Africa; Reno, “Predatory Rebellions and Governance”; Wood, and Molfino, “Aiding victims, abetting violence.”

21. Kasfir, Rebel governance–constructing a field of inquiry.

22. Stewart, “Rebel governance.”

23. See note 13 above.

24. See note 11 above.

25. Felbab-Brown, Shooting up; Huang, The wartime origins of democratization; Lidow, Violent Order; and Weinstein, Inside rebellion, 163.

26. Beardsley and McQuinn, “Rebel groups as predatory organizations”; Flanigan and Abdel‐Samad, “Hezbollah’s social jihad”; Grynkewich, “Welfare as warfare”; and Schoon, “Building legitimacy.”

27. Eck, “Coercion in rebel recruitment”; Gates, “Recruitment and allegiance”; and Qazi, “Rebels of the frontier.”

28. Gruca and Zielichowski, “DIY (do it yourself) weapons.”

29. Wiegand, Bombs and Ballots.

30. Cook, Haid, and Trauthig, “Jurisprudence Beyond the State”; Ledwidge, Rebel law; and Schwab, “Insurgent courts in civil wars.”

31. Huang. The wartime origins of democratization, 51; Mampilly, Rebel rulers, 90; and Weinstein, Inside rebellion, 163.

32. Clarke, Terrorism, Inc., 31, 51.

33. Gutiérrez and Thomson, “Rebels-Turned-Narcos?”; and Oehme III, “Terrorists, insurgents, and criminals.”

34. Felbab-Brown, Shooting up; and Laudati, ”sBeyond minerals.”

35. Flanigan, “Nonprofit service provision by insurgent organizations”; Flanigan and Abdel‐Samad, “Hezbollah’s social jihad”; and Flanigan, “Terrorists next door.”

36. Fortna, Lotito, and Rubin, “Don’t Bite the Hand that Feeds.”

37. Asal, Flanigan, and Szekely, “Doing Good while Killing.”

38. Schoon, “The paradox of legitimacy.”

39. Wimmer, Cederman, and Min, “Ethnic politics.”

40. Bakker et al, “A Preliminary Theory.” 33–62.

41. Toros, “We don’t negotiate with terrorists.”

42. Asal, Flanigan, and Szekely, “Doing Good while Killing”; Grynkewich, “Welfare as warfare”; and Swed and Stubblefield, “Resisting or appropriating.”

43. Swed and Stubblefield, “Resisting or appropriating.”

44. Asal, Flanigan, and Szekely, “Doing Good while Killing.”

45. Grynkewich, “Welfare as warfare.”

46. Hagan and Rymond-Richmond, “The collective dynamics.”

47. Flanigan and Abdel‐Samad, “Hezbollah’s social jihad.”

48. Schoon, “Building legitimacy.”

49. Dodds et al., “The COVID-19 pandemic,” 289–298.

50. Bernhard, “Spain being placed on coronavirus lockdown”; and Mizokami, “The U.S. Military Is on the Frontlines.”

51. Boulegue, “How is the Russian Military Responding to COVID-19?”

52. Steinhauer, “No More ‘Kneecap to Kneecap’ Talks.”

53. Gibbons-Neff et al., “Virus Concerns Flare up Again.”

54. Ackerman and Peterson, “Terrorism and COVID-19.”

55. Simons and Cristina, “The Specter of Terrorism.”

56. UN, “COVID-19.”

57. Berrebi and Ostwald, “Earthquakes, hurricanes, and terrorism”; and Berrebi and Ostwald, “Exploiting the chaos.”

58. Eastin, “Fuel to the fire.”

59. Clarke, “Terrorism, Inc.”

60. Pechenkina, “Third-party pressure for peace.”

61. Walch, “Collaboration or obstruction.”

62. The list of organization is available on Appendix A.

63. Dukalskis, “Why do Some Insurgent Groups.”

64. Piazza, “Is Islamist terrorism more dangerous”; and Wright, “Terrorism, ideology and target selection.”

65. We explored twelve types of ideologies but incorporated only those that were significant in the analysis.

66. See note 54 above.

67. Mosqueda, “Kabul Hospital Attack.”

68. Campbell, “Boko Haram’s Shekau Labels Anti-COVID-19 Measures.”

69. Umar, “Authorities.”

70. MEMO, “Syria opposition recaptures strategic village.”

71. AJ, “Libyan hospital treating.”

72. IPAC, “IPAC Short Briefing #2.”

73. UN, “COVID-19.”

74. Barak, “Hezbollah.”

75. Perry and Lalia, “Hezbollah deploys medics, hospitals against coronavirus.”

76. Truzman and David, “Gaza’s Militant Groups Battle COVID-19.”

77. Abu Jahal, “Hamas quietly allows Gaza doctors.”

78. Furlan, “Rebel Governance at the Time of Covid-19”; and Kapur and Chayankia, “The Taliban makes the most of Covid-19.”

79. Winn, “Can Asia’s largest armed group.”

80. Miguel Vivanco, “Armed Groups in Colombia.”

81. Ahren, “Coronavirus ‘extremely dangerous’.”

82. Furlan, “Rebel Governance at the Time of Covid-19”; and Zelin, “The Jihadi-Backed Salvation Government.”

83. ANI, “LeT, Jaish.”

84. Felbab-Brown, “Mexican cartels are providing COVID-19”; and Vorobyov, “Inside the Gangs Handing Out Pandemic Supplies.”

85. Pavlik. COVID-19 Disorder Tracker.

86. We picked ordered logistic regression given two of our independent variables (public health response and adversarial response) are ordinal. For the third independent variable (ceasefire), which is a dummy variable, we run logistic regression instead.

87. See note 54 above.

88. Flanigan and Abdel‐Samad, “Hezbollah’s social jihad”; Flanigan, “Motivations and implications”; and Grynkewich. ‘Welfare as warfare.’

89. see note 59 above.

90. Ackerman and Peterson, “Terrorism and COVID-19”; Khalaf, “Governing Rojava”; MOSECON, “Terrorism and Covid-19”; Nicholson, “COVID-19 an opportunity for terrorists”; and Simons and Cristina, “The specter of terrorism.”

91. see note 7 above.

92. IntelCenter, “Terrorist & Rebel COVID-19 Messaging.”

93. Barnett, “Global environmental change I”; Brzoska, “Weather extremes, disasters”; Ide, “The impact of environmental cooperation”; and Siddiqi, “Disasters in conflict areas.”

94. Arjona et al., Rebel governance in civil war; Flanigan, “Service-seeking behavior; Flanigan, “Nonprofit service provision by insurgent organizations”; and Grynkewich, “Welfare as warfare.”

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Ori Swed

Ori Swed is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work at Texas Tech University (www.oriswed.com). He is also the director of the Peace, War, & Social Conflict Laboratory at Texas Tech (www.pwscl.com). Ori is a former special forces and reserve captain in the Israeli Defense Forces as well as a former private security contractor. Ori’s scholarship has been focusing non-state actors in conflict setting; and technology and society. He wrote about violent non-state actors and the relations between technology and institutions in the context of security. Those include multiple publications in peer-review journals and an edited volume on the topic. His recent work on violent non-state actors’ utilization of drone technology include the three paper projects, three datasets on drones and terrorist organizations, and several academic conferences presentations on the topic. Beyond his scholarship, Ori gained broad field experience in the field of counter terrorism, security, and intelligence over the span of 12 years. He served in combat roles in the Israeli Defense Forces during the Second Intifada and the Second Lebanon War. Ori work as a consultant on advance technologies in the Israeli hi-tech industry and as a private security contractor.

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