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Articles

Towards extractive justice: Europe, Africa and the pressures of resource dependency

ORCID Icon, &
Pages 233-250 | Published online: 30 May 2019
 

ABSTRACT

The relationship between Europe and Africa, in the context of the extractives sector, is multi-faceted, influenced by historical, political, social, environmental, geographical, religious and cultural factors. It is the premise of this article that Africa can benefit more fully from its mineral resources, and Europe from its investments into minerals and energy in Africa, if strong capacity is developed to create and implement more sound legal frameworks and better governance in the extractives sector. This contribution explores the historical and current asymmetries in resource interdependency between the two continents, as well as the policy tools that must direct future development of the intercontinental relationship in as far as the extractive sector is involved. The article then proposes three ideas about justice key to building a theory of resource interdependency, pointing to three areas that will require further scholarly engagement in imagining a new future relationship between Europe and Africa.

Acknowledgements

The paper originated from a collaborative attempt at formulating a broad, interdisciplinary research project, which involved several colleagues from the Rijksuniversiteit Groningen: Andrej Zwitter, Aurelia Colombi-Ciacchi, Marcel Brus, Jilles Hazendal, and others. We are grateful for the comments and insights they provided on earlier drafts of this work in different form. The work also relies largely on earlier work undertaken with Heleen van Niekerk, and published as: H Mostert & H van Niekerk ‘Disadvantage, Fairness, and Power Crises in Africa’ in Y Omorogbe & A Ordor (eds) Ending Africa’s Energy Deficit and the Law (2018). The Rijksuniversiteit Groningen and the University of Cape Town are gratefully acknowledged. Opinions expressed here, and errors made should not be attributed to either of these institutions.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors

Hanri Mostert is the DST/NRF SARChI Research Chair: Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town.

Cheri-Leigh Young was, at the time of writing, postdoctoral research fellow at the DST/NRF SARChI Research Chair: Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town, and is now a research affiliate of the same.

Julie L Hassman is a doctoral researcher at the DST/NRF SARChI Research Chair: Mineral Law in Africa, University of Cape Town.

Notes

1. Not least because of internal competition between European powers, for exclusive trade and tariff territories, control of waterways and commercial routes. See Fage J and W Tordoff, A History of Africa 4ed, 2002, p. 326. See also Iweriebor E, ‘The colonization of Africa’, Africana Age, 2011, <http://exhibitions.nypl.org/africanaage/essay-colonization-of-africa.html>, accessed 19 September 2018.

2. Murithi T, Handbook of Africa’s International Relations, 2013, p. 325; Mangala J, Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership, 2013, p. 3. See also European Union External Action ‘Africa and the EU’ (2 May 2016). <https://eeas.europa.eu/regions/africa/328/africa-and-eu_en>, accessed 19 September 2018.

3. Short C, ‘Ways of co-operation between Europe and Africa’, in Müller J & M Reder (eds), Africa and Europe: Co-operation in a Globalized World, 2007, pp. 25–26; M Meredith, The Fortunes of Africa (2014); W N’Sondé, ‘500 Jahre Eurafrika – Bilanz einer heiklen Beziehung’, (2 August 2010). <http://www.boell.de/de/navigation/afrika-500-jahre-beziehungen-afrika-europa-bilanz-9842.html>, accessed 19 September 2018.

4. Stephan H, ‘Introduction’, in Stephan & Power (eds), The Scramble for Africa in the 21st Century, 2ed, 2012, p. 14.

5. Stephan H, ‘Introduction’, in Stephan & Power (eds), The Scramble for Africa in the 21st Century, 2ed, 2012, p. 14.

6. Stephan H, ‘Introduction’, in Stephan & Power (eds), The Scramble for Africa in the 21st Century, 2ed, 2012, p. 14.

7. Pianta M & R Marchetti, ‘The global justice movements: The transnational dimension’, in Della Porta D (ed), Global Justice Movement: Cross-national and Transnational Perspectives, 2015, ch. 2.

8. Mostert H & H van Niekerk, ‘Disadvantage, fairness, and power crises in Africa’, in Omorogbe Y & A Ordor (eds), Ending Africa’s Energy Deficit and the Law, 2018, part 3.

9. Ramdoo I, Shopping for Raw Materials: Should Africa be Worried about EU Raw Materials Initiative? Discussion Paper 105 (2011). <http://ecdpm.org/publications/should-africa-be-worried-about-eu-raw-materials-initiative/>, accessed 20 August 2018.

10. The EU remains a major trade partner of Africa. European imports from Africa escalated between 2007 and 2012 by 46%. These include imports from secondary industries. See Author Unknown, ‘EU Will Beziehungen zu Afrika Neu Beleben’ Der Tagesspiegel (2 April 2014). <http://www.tagesspiegel.de/politik/treffen-in-bruessel-eu-will-beziehungen-zu-afrika-neu-beleben/9708062.html>, accessed 20 August 2018.

11. Klare MT, ‘Europe’s resource dilemma: Escaping the dependency trap’, (21 March 2014). <https://www.friendsofeurope.org/greener-europe/europes-resource-dilemma-escaping-the-dependency-trap>, accessed 20 August 2018.

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13. See KPMG, ‘Mining in Africa: Towards 2020’, (2013). <www.foresightfordevelopment.org/sobipro/download-file/46-1289/54>, accessed 10 September 2018.

14. Winde F et al., ‘Uranium from Africa – An overview on past and current mining activities: Re-appraising associated risks and chances in a global context’, 129, 2017, Journal of African Earth Sciences, p. 772.

15. Chamber of Mines of South Africa Facts & Figures 2017 (June 2018). <http://www.mineralscouncil.org.za/industry-news/publications/facts-and-figures>, accessed 10 September 2018.

16. Chamber of Mines of South Africa Facts & Figures 2017 (June 2018). <http://www.mineralscouncil.org.za/industry-news/publications/facts-and-figures>, accessed 10 September 2018.

17. MT Klare ‘Europe’s resource dilemma: Escaping the dependency trap’ (21 March 2014). <http://europesworld.org/2014/03/21/europes-resource-dilemma-escaping-the-dependency-trap/#.VTLXVSl4qxI>, accessed 20 August 2018.

18. The continent ranks first or second in quantity of world reserves of bauxite, chromite, cobalt, industrial diamond, manganese, phosphate rock, platinum-group metals, soda ash, vermiculite and zirconium, and is also a major global producer of these minerals. See United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, Africa Development Forum ‘Mineral Resources for Africa’s Development: Anchoring a New Vision’ Issues Paper 1 (2012). <http://www1.uneca.org/Portals/adfviii/Documents/Issue_Papers/ADFVIII-Mineral-Resources-Issues-paper.pdf>, accessed 20 August 2018.

19. Mangala J, Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership (2013); Boahen A, African Perspectives on European Colonialism 2ed (2011); Barton B & J Ming, (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors, 2013, p. 6; Rodney W, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1981). The uneven relationship contributed to the inability of many African countries to build up sufficient national wealth to invest in their own industry and infrastructure (roads, electricity supply), thereby hampering development in Africa. See Chitonge H, Economic Growth and Development in Africa: Understanding Trends and Prospects, 2015, p. 203.

20. See, in particular, Rodney W, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1981) and his remark that ‘[t]he only positive development in colonialism was when it ended.’ Rodney W, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, 1981, p. 161. Cf Boahen A, African Perspectives on European Colonialism, 2ed (2011) (addressing the ‘positive legacy’ of colonialism, where the following points are advanced: (i) establishment, broadly speaking, of political stability after World War I; (ii) appearance of African independent states (which Boahen concedes are fraught with problems due to the irrational and unwholesome drawing of boundaries at the Berlin Conference in 1884); (iii) introduction of the bureaucracy of civil service and a new judicial system (at which some colonisers were notably better than others); and (iv) accidental generation of nationalism and Pan-Africanism. Boahen then indicates the worst political impacts of colonialism to be (i) the negativity that accompanied this nationalism, which poses hurdles to nationhood; (ii) the creation of professional armies, which have become ‘a chronic source of instability, confusion and anarchy’; and (iii) the delay of political development and maturity of African states. He proceeds to consider the economic impacts: on the benefit side, there are (i) provision of basic physical infrastructure; and (ii) development of a primary sector in the economy. The latter is important to this study, as it indicates the beginnings of the African extractives sector, and the introduction of modern scientific mining methods. On the drawback side, there are (i) uneven distribution of physical infrastructure across various territories; (ii) delays in the industrial and technological developments in Africa; (iii) creating monocrop economies in many African countries; (iv) inhibiting inter-African trade; and (v) debilitating monetary policies. A similar analysis of social benefits and drawbacks are undertaken. Population growth and urbanisation are mentioned as benefits, and the spread of religions and education. The new social order that emerged, increased social mobility and new avenues for advancement are also mentioned as a benefit. But the downside socially was the emerging gap between rural and urban communities; the uneven distribution of social services and inadequate meeting of educational demands; as well as the downgrading of women’s status. The most seriously negative social impact though was psychological, according to Boahen: the creation of a colonial mentality, ostentatious lifestyles of the elite and pervading feelings of inferiority and loss of the sense of human dignity among Africans.)

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23. See, for example, Mailafia O, Europe and Economic Reform in Africa: Structural Adjustment and Economic Diplomacy (2005); Mangala J, Africa and the European Union: A Strategic Partnership (2013); Adenajo A & K Whiteman (eds), The EU and Africa: From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa (2012); Murithi T, Handbook of Africa’s International Relations (2013).

24. Stephan H, ‘Introduction’, in Stephan & Power (eds) The Scramble for Africa in the 21st Century 2ed, 2012, p. 14.

25. Barton B & J Ming (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors, 2013, p. 6.

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27. In 2006, China was the third largest trader with Africa. A China-Africa Business Council also promotes relations between Africa and China, which is supported and underwritten by the United Nations. See Guerrero D & F Manji, China’s New Role in Africa and the South, 2008, p. 93; van Dijk M, The New Presence of China in Africa, 2009, p. 26; Wang J-Y, What Drives China’s Growing Role in Africa, 2007, p. 11; Barton B & J Ming (eds), China and the European Union in Africa: Partners or Competitors, 2013, p. 32.

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1. To reinforce, elevate, strengthen the partnership between Africa and the EU to address the following common challenges: peace and security, migration and development, and a clean environment.

2. To strengthen and promote peace, security, democratic governance and human rights, fundamental freedoms, gender equality, sustainable economic development and regional and continental integration in Africa, and to ensure that all the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are met in all African countries by the year of 2015.

3. To jointly promote and sustain a system of effective multilateralism, with strong, representative and legitimate institutions.

4. To facilitate and promote a partnership, Africa and the EU will empower non-state actors and create conditions to enable them to play an active role in development, democracy building, conflict prevention and post-conflict reconstruction processes.

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103. Mostert H & H van Niekerk, ’Disadvantage, Fairness, and Power Crises in Africa’, in Omorogbe Y & A Ordor (eds), Ending Africa’s Energy Deficit and the Law, 2018, part 3.2.

104. See, for example, African Union ‘African Mining Vision’ (2009). <http://www.africaminingvision.org/amv_resources/AMV/Africa_Mining_Vision_English.pdf> (noting the need for legal instruments to facilitate community participation), accessed 9 September 2018.

105. African Union Commission, African Development Bank, and United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, ‘Building a sustainable future for Africa’s extractive industry: From vision to action’ (December 2011). <http://www.africaminingvision.org/amv_resources/AMV/AMV_Action_Plan_dec-2011.pdf>, accessed 9 September 2018.

106. Greenspan E, ‘Free, Prior, and Informed Consent in Africa: An emerging standard for extractive industry projects’ (2014) Oxfam America Research Backgrounder. <www.oxfamamerica.org/publications/fpic-in-africa>, accessed 9 September 2018.

107. See Serra N, S Spiegel & J Stiglitz, ‘Introduction: From the Washington Consensus Towards a New Global Governance’, in Serra N & J Stigltz (eds), The Washington Consensus Reconsidered: Towards a New Global Governance (2008).

108. Support of democratic governance is already factored into European-African relationship-building; but efforts have hitherto fell short of achieving success. A difference of opinion may be found in the degree of self-agency that is expected from African governments for stability in politics and governance. Hackenesch C & S Koch, ‘Partnerschaften sind da, der politische Wille fehlt’, <http://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2013-10/europa-afrika-kooperationen/komplettansicht>, accessed 16 April 2015, explain as follows: ‘Interessen der Rohstoffversorgung, der Wirtschafts-, Sicherheits- oder auch Entwicklungspolitik kollidieren nach wie vor häufig mit dem Ziel, demokratische Regierungsführung zu unterstützen. Der Fingerzeig auf Afrika entledigt Europa nicht vom eigenen verantwortungsvollen Handeln.’

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the South African Research Chairs Initiative of the National Research Foundation, South Africa, in conjunction with the Department of Science and Technology.

Funding

This special issue has been produced with the support of the European Union’s Erasmus + Programme as a Jean Monnet Activity, through the project ‘The European Union’s Normative Role in African Extractives Governance’, implemented by the South African Institute of International Affairs. The European Commission support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents which reflects the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein.

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