Redefining ‘cultural values’ – the economics of cultural flows

ABSTRACT

Cultural flows are water allocations to Aboriginal groups to maintain cultural values. Economic frameworks treat cultural values as sites or places where ‘cultural activities’ take place. A cultural flow is then a discretionary allocation of water to ‘water’ those sites, in the same way that water is delivered to irrigators to water their crops. This water allocation framework, in which environmental, irrigation or cultural values are traded off in a zero-sum game, is grounded in economic and legal frameworks that treat spiritual, environmental, economic and social values as separate and unconnected value domains. In contrast, within Aboriginal ontology each value domain is inherently connected, and cannot be traded off against the others. Interpreting cultural beliefs as akin to a recreational activity ignores the relationship between cultural belief and Aboriginal economic and social organisation. We use a case study of the Narran Lakes area of NSW to explore the relationship between cultural beliefs and the way in which Country was managed under cultural law. Understanding this relationship is important in the economic analysis of cultural flows.

KEYWORDS:

• Murray Darling Basin
• cultural flows
• customary practices
• Narran Lakes

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to sincerely thank members of the Euhlaroi (Euahlayi), Wayilwan, Murrawarri, and other nations for participating in this research. Comments on earlier drafts of the paper by Neil Byron and Oscar Cacho and two anonymous referees are gratefully acknowledged. All remaining errors remain the responsibility of the authors.

Notes

1. Australia itself was not a colony. The British colonies of NSW, Victoria, Western Australia, South Australia, Queensland and Tasmania federated in 1901 to become the independent Commonwealth of Australia. It is still the case that there has been no treaty recognition of Indigenous land or water rights in Australia.

2. ‘Language groups’ and ‘nations’ are used interchangeably. Language forms the boundary between different groups. Within each language group may be several clans speaking dialects or closely related languages. A colloquial term ‘mob’ can be used to refer to either clans or language groups.

3. One of these, Jason Wilson, has acted as a mentor and supporter of the research, providing generous access to cultural knowledge. He has been listed as a co-author reflecting his continued involvement in and contribution to the research.

4. Ethics Approval required a prior informed consent process to be followed. Participants who agreed to be interviewed for the project were given a research information sheet that detailed the aims and objectives of the research, and were asked to sign a research consent form and to indicate whether they wished their interview material to remain anonymous. All participants were made aware that they could withdraw from the research at any time during or following the interview, for any reason and without penalty. Interviewees were provided with transcripts and recordings of their interviews and given the opportunity to modify (add to, delete or change) their interview material.

5. There were a number of other research processes underway at the same time – the Cultural Flows Research Project (MLDRIN et al. 2018) and the MDBA’s Use and Occupancy Mapping program (www.mdba.gov.au) – which led to a reluctance on the part of some people to engage with yet another research project. It had been hoped that these other research projects would also provide useful information for this paper, but they either weren’t completed in time (the Cultural Flows Research Project) or have not been made available (the Use and Occupancy mapping).

6. In all, 19 formal interviews were completed, although not all were used in this paper. Where direct interview material is used, the interviewee is referred to as Participant number (P1, P2 etc). Their language group is also referenced. A number of participants (eg P7, Wayilwan; P11, Euhlaroi; P8, Wayilwan; P5, Murrawari; P6, Euhlaroi; P9, Euhlaroi, Kamiloroi, Ngemba; P8, Wayilwan) said they no longer knew much about past cultural practices, or where sacred sites are, or who the neighbouring clans are, and acknowledged the loss of cultural knowledge (P12, Euhlaroi).

7. This also allowed the interviews to be conducted ‘at the right time’. It was often not possible to ‘schedule’ interviews, and where they were scheduled it was not uncommon for cultural or family obligations to arise which meant the interviewee missed the interview. Hence it proved more productive to simply be ready to conduct the interview whenever the interviewee was ready. This required ‘hangin’ out’.

8. There are various spelling conventions for the names of most Aboriginal language groups. We have chosen to use the spellings Euhlaroi, Euahlayi, Kamilaroi (Gamiloroi), Wayilwan and Murawarri. There can also be a degree of fuzziness around which language groups some clan dialects belong to. Coleman, McKemey, and Coleman (2017) describe Yuwaalaraay as the language spoken by the Uallaroi or Euhlaroi. Giacon (2014) describes Euhlaroi and Euaylayi as dialects of the same language, and Euhlaroi and Kamilaroi as separate but closely related language groups. Ash, Giacon, and Lissarrague (2003) describe the Euahlayi language as ‘Yuwaalayaay’, although Fuller et al. (2014c) suggests that ‘Yuwaalayaay’ and ‘Yuwaalaraay’ are clan languages of the neighbouring Kamilaroi people, and that Euaylayi is a separate language.

9. There is some evidence that the Creation Ancestors and Dreaming are a cultural memory of the megafauna present in Australia, made extinct approximately 45,000 years ago and which are thought to have overlapped early Aboriginal settlement by around 17,000 years (see Coleman, McKemey, and Coleman 2017).

10. Dreamtime and Songlines are English words used to try and convey something of the meaning of Aboriginal cultural beliefs.

11. ‘Language groups’ and ‘nations’ are used interchangeably. Language forms the boundary between different groups. Within each language group may be several clans speaking dialects or closely related languages, A colloquial term ‘mob’ can be used to refer to either clans or language groups.

12. Elsewhere the system of moieties and totems have been described as a ‘cultural mechanism’ for dealing with the complexity of kinship relationships, making it easier to keep track of reciprocal rights and obligations (Davies, Marshall, and Ridges 2019). A similar argument, in which it is suggested that cognitive models can simplify and make easier to remember, complex patterns of behaviour, is discussed in Descola (2012), p. 453–454.

13. Despite removal of many Aboriginal clans from Country in the early-mid 20th century, knowledge of songlines and other aspects of the cultural landscape were retained by Aboriginal stockmen and domestic workers working on pastoral stations, who were able to maintain a connection to Country. This cultural knowledge embodied in songlines is also reflected in many travelling stock routes (Spooner, Firman, and Yalmambirra 2010).

Additional information

Funding

The principle author received financial support through the UNE Strategic Directions Scholarship, and the Keith & Dorothy Mackay Postgraduate Travelling Scholarship.

Notes on contributors

Siobhan Davies

Siobhan Davies is an environmental economist currently undertaking a PhD at the University of New England on the economics of cultural flows (Aboriginal water rights) in the Murray Darling Basin. Before that, she spent over 25 years as an applied economist working for academic research organisations, the Australian Government, and as a private sector consultant managing research programs and conducting research in environmental economics and natural resource management, climate change adaptation, and water management.

Jason Wilson

Yaama (Hello) my name is Jason Wilson, I’m a proud Gomilaroi Youalaroi Murrie from North Western NSW and South Western QLD. My country has many wonderful Rivers, they flow like veins pumping life through its rich flood plains with Ramsar Wetlands and a lake system that is second to none. These flat majestic rangelands are home to some of the largest inland shell middens, largest bird breeding sites and of course it is the meeting place of many different First Nation Peoples. Being almost 50 years old, I have been fortunate enough to meet and live with many of my old people, they taught me respect for one another including learning how to educate, how to continue to practice my culture and look after the spiritual side and most importantly look after the land, animals, vegetation and water. Water is a huge issue in my country, I have devoted 30 years of my life to have my First Nation Peoples rights recognised and I will continue to do this wonderful honour for ever. Siobhan, thank you for assisting my Peoples in articulating our plight and providing a path through the complicated mess which is water policy and politics, we have a better toolset to undertake thoughtful processes to have procedural justice and shape water policy with our Peoples value and uses.

Malcolm Ridges

Mal Ridges is an archaeologist. He has mapped Aboriginal heritage using spatial predictive models, developing the Aboriginal Sites Decision Support Tool (ASDST) which has been used for regional Aboriginal heritage assessments and context setting throughout NSW. He researches cultural heritage theory and presented a keynote to the Cultural Sustainability Symposium organised by the Flemish Interface Centre for Cultural Heritage (FARO) in 2016. He is currently working on mapping methodologies for the NSW Aboriginal Heritage reforms; understanding the concept of Cultural Health in co-managed National Parks; and the role of Aboriginal culture in environmental programs and fire management.