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Original Articles

Designing authoritarian deliberation: how social media platforms influence political talk in China

, &
Pages 243-264 | Received 10 Oct 2018, Accepted 05 Oct 2019, Published online: 31 Oct 2019
 

ABSTRACT

Discussion is often celebrated as a critical element of public opinion and political participation. Recently, scholars have suggested that the design and features of specific online platforms shape what is politically expressed online and how. Building on these findings and drawing on 112 semi-structured qualitative interviews with information technology experts and internet users, we explain how major Chinese social media platforms differ in structure and motivation. Drawing upon a nationwide representative survey and an online experiment, we find that platforms aiming to make users a source of information through public, information-centred communication, such as the Twitter-like Weibo, are more conducive to political expression; while platforms built to optimize building social connections through private, user-centred communication, such as WhatsApp and Facebook-like WeChat, tend to inhibit political expression. These technological design effects are stronger when users believe the authoritarian state tolerates discussion, but less important when political talk is sensitive. The findings contribute to the debate on the political consequences of the internet by specifying technological and political conditions.

Acknowledgements

This article is dedicated to the memory of the late Mayling Birney (1972–2017) whose research on voicing opinions in Chinese surveys inspired this research. For insightful comments and feedback regarding earlier versions of this research we would like to thank Lily Tsai, Pierre Landry, Devra Coren-Moehler, Liz Suhay, Rosario Aguilar, and the participants of talks at Duke University, the University of Michigan, the University of Pennsylvania, New York University – Shanghai, the London School of Economics and Political Science, and the Hertie School of Governance. For superb research assistance we are grateful to Keri Hartman, Yuzhu Zhang, Hanyu Jiang, and Allison Koh.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1 Habermas, Strukturwandel der Oeffentlichkeit; Poor, “Mechanisms of an Online Public Sphere.”

2 Sunstein, Republic.com 2.0.

3 Carpini et al., “Public Deliberation”; Iyengar, Luskin, and Fishkin, “Facilitating Informed Public Opinion”; Breuer, Landman, and Farquhar, “Social Media and Protest Mobilization.”

4 Halpern and Gibbs, “Social Media”; Klinger and Svensson, “The Emergence”; Matamoros-Fernández, “Platformed Racism”; Nam, Lee, and Park, “Measuring Web Ecology.”

5 Carpini et al., “Public Deliberation”; Mutz, “Is Deliberative Democracy a Falsifiable Theory?”

6 Hassid, “Safety Valve”; King, Pan, and Roberts, “How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism”; King, Pan, and Roberts, “Reverse-engineering Censorship”; Gallagher, and Miller, “Can the Chinese Government Really Control the Internet?”

7 Howard, “The Digital Origins”; Lynch, “After Egypt.”

8 MacKinnon, Consent of the Networked; Morozov, The Net Delusion.

9 Meng, “Moving Beyond Democratization”; Herold and de Seta, “Through the Looking Glass”; Jiang, “Authoritarian Informationalism.”

10 Diamond, “Liberation Technology.”

11 He and Warren, “Authoritarian Deliberation.”

12 Jiang, “Authoritarian Deliberation on Chinese Internet.”

13 Meng, “Moving Beyond Democratization”; Herold and de Seta, “Through the Looking Glass.”

14 Meng, “Moving Beyond Democratization”; Yang, “Political Contestation in Chinese Digital Spaces.”

15 Meng, “Moving Beyond Democratization”; Jiang, “Authoritarian Informationalism.”

16 Jiang, “Authoritarian Deliberation on Chinese Internet”; MacKinnon, Consent of the Networked.

17 Distelhorst, “The Power”; Manion, Information for Autocrats; Teets, “Let Many Civil Societies Bloom”; Toepfl, “Innovating Consultative Authoritarianism.”

18 Gibson, “The Theory of Affordances”; Norman, The Design of Everyday Things; Norman, The Design of Future Things.

19 Majchrzak et al., “The Contradictory Influence”; Faraj and Azad, “The Materiality of Technology”; Hutchby, “Technologies, Texts and Affordances”; Majchrzak and Markus, “Technology Affordances”; Fayard and Weeks, “Affordances for Practice.”

20 Norman, The Psychology of Everyday Things; Norman, “Affordance, Conventions, and Design.”

21 Van Dijck, The Culture of Connectivity; Poell, Rajagopalan, and Kavada, “Publicness on Platforms.”

22 Stockmann and Luo, “Which Social Media”; Gillespie, “The Politics of ‘Platforms’.”

23 Interview with a Weibo product manager (75591), April 2015.

25 Interview with a Weibo marketing researcher (73359), April 2015.

26 Interview with 75154, April 2015.

27 Su, Lee, and Lin, “Does Site Architecture Matter?”

28 Interview with 80643, November 2015.

29 Interview with a marketing manager of a large social media company in China (73583), February 2015.

31 Stockmann and Luo, “Which Social Media.”

32 Interview with 87673, November 2015.

33 Interview with 75154, April 2015.

34 Stockmann and Luo, “Which Social Media.”

35 Chan et al., “Microblogging, Online Expression”; Huang and Sun, “Weibo Network.”

36 Suh et al., “Want to be Retweeted?”; Huang and Sun, “Weibo Network.”

37 Su, Lee, and Lin, “Does Site Architecture Matter?”

38 Interview with the head of the new media centre of an official press agency, April 2015.

39 Interview with a marketing manager of Tencent, February 2015. Interview with internet users 82999, December 2015; 84505, January 2016; 80643, November 2015.

40 Interview with 80238, December 2015.

41 Esarey and Xiao, “Political Expression”; Pu and Scanlan, “Communicating Injustice?”; Xiao, “The Rise of Online Public Opinion”; Zhou, “The Political Blogosphere in China.”

42 Lagerkvist, “The Internet in China”; Stockmann, “Media Commercialization”; Lorentzen, “China’s Strategic Censorship.”

43 Hu, “Popular Understanding.”

44 Hartford, “Dear Mayor”; Jiang and Xu, “Exploring Online Structures”; Reilly, Strong State, Smart State; Chen, Pan, and Xu, “Sources of Authoritarian Responsiveness”; Truex, “Consultative Authoritarianism.”

45 Hassid, “Safety Valve.”

46 Boas, “Weaving the Authoritarian Web.”

47 Chase, and Mulvenon, You’ve got Dissent!; King, Pan, and Roberts, “Reverse-engineering Censorship.”

48 Brady, Marketing Dictatorship.

49 MacKinnon, “China’s Censorship 2.0”.

50 Bandurski, “China’s Guerrilla”; Miller, “Automatic Detection”; Gallagher and Miller, “Can the Chinese Government Really Control the Internet?”; King, Pan, and Roberts, “How the Chinese Government.”

51 Esarey and Xiao, “Political Expression”; Yang and Jiang, “The Networked Practice.”

52 Li, China’s Media; Lynch, After the Propaganda State; Brady, Marketing Dictatorship; Stockmann, Media Commercialization; Brownlee, “The Limited Reach.”

53 Stockmann and Luo, “Responsive Authoritarianism”; Creemers, “Cyber China.”

54 Stockmann and Luo, “Responsive Authoritarianism”; Stier, “Democracy, Autocracy and the News.”

55 Stockmann, Media Commercialization; Holbig, “Ideology After the End of Ideology.”

56 He, “Chinese Communist Press”; Esarey and Xiao, “Digital Communication”; Shirk, China: Fragile Superpower; Stockmann, Media Commercialization; King, Pan, and Roberts, “How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism.”

57 Stern and Hassid, “Amplifying Silence.”

58 Gao et al., “Comparative Study.”

59 Landry and Shen, “Reaching Migrants.”

60 Stockmann and Luo, “Authoritarian Deliberation 2.0.”

61 Birney, Landry, and Yan, “Vocalizing Dissent.”

62 Yu, “The Relationship.”

63 Su, Lee, and Lin, “Does Site Architecture Matter?”

64 Thorson, “Facing an Uncertain Reception.”

65 Yu, “The Relationship.”

66 Stockmann, Media Commercialization.

67 Interview with 89412, January 2016; 85742, January 2016; 81738, January 2016.

68 Among 1,192 respondents who were eligible for the experiment, 1,178 (98.8%) respondents completed the experiment and, among these, 588 were in the WeChat group and 590 in the Weibo group.

71 King et al., “Enhancing the Validity.”

72 Birney, Landry, and Yan, “Vocalizing Dissent.”

73 Poell, “Social Media”; Valenzuela, Arriagada, and Scherman, “Facebook, Twitter, and Youth Engagement.”

74 Diamond, “Liberation Technology.”

75 Stockmann, “Media Commercialization.”

Additional information

Funding

The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP/2007-2013)/ERC Grant Agreement n. [338478]. The Hertie School of Governance and Leiden University are both beneficiaries of the grant; FP7 Ideas: European Research Council.

Notes on contributors

Daniela Stockmann

Daniela Stockmann is Professor of Digital Governance at the Hertie School. She holds a PhD from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor (2007). Before joining the Hertie School faculty, she was Associate Professor of Political Science at Leiden University. Her research interests include comparative politics, political behavior, political communication, and research methodology. Her book, Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China (Cambridge University Press, 2013), received the 2015 Goldsmith Book Prize awarded by the Harvard Kennedy School Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics, and Public Policy.

Ting Luo

Ting Luo is Lecturer of Political Communication at Manchester Metropolitan University. She has previously worked as a post-doctoral fellow at Leiden University and at Hertie School, Berlin. She received her PhD in government from LSE. Her research interests include comparative politics with a specialization on China, digital politics, elections and democratization.

Mingming Shen

Mingming Shen is professor at the School of Government, director of the Research Center of Contemporary China, and director of the Center for Empirical Research and Quantitative Analysis in Political Science at Beijing University. His research and teaching focus on comparative politics, American government and politics, and social science research methodologies. He has consulted for numerous international organizations including the World Bank, World Health Organization, Asian Development Bank, UNDP and others.

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