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ABSTRACT
Sidi-El-Houari is Oran’s mother city, carrying the identity of a city that has been continuously under construction for a thousand years. Despite its status as a ‘protected sector,’ this neighbourhood is today threatened with being wiped out due to the deterioration of its built form and general socio-economic devitalisation. Limited interventions have regrettably played a role in the deculturation of a place that is loaded with memory. Official preservation discourse and regulations that support heritage turn out to have been particularly ineffective at preserving this priceless legacy. This essay considers the reasons for and the implications of the pervasive inertia, especially in those institutions which are charged with preserving and rehabilitating the ‘protected sector.’ Furthermore, the division within, and weakness of, civil society prevents a significant level of pressure being placed on local authorities to enforce heritage law. This part of the city needs, but does not have, an effective preservation strategy.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 The Association for Safeguarding the Medina [l’Association de Sauvegarde de la Médina (A.S.M.)] in Tunisia played a critical role in pushing forward these preservation plans.
2 This insecurity is clearly reflected in the title of the report by the Revue Madinati: ‘Sidi El Houari: Opportunities and Threats’ [‘Sidi El Houari: Opportunités et Menaces’] (no. 1, 2nd trimester, 2016).
3 See Law 98–04 of 1998 on cultural assets. For an analysis of the legal documents on Algerian heritage, see Mazouz Citation2005.
4 Such conflict is also apparent in Sidi El Houari’s designation as a ‘protected sector.’ It received the designation in January 2015 but development proceedings for the Permanent Plan for Protecting and Developing the Preserved Sector [Plan permanent de sauvegarde et de mise en valeur du secteur sauvegardé (PPSMVSS)] were never enacted.
5 See CIAM’s Athens Charter and the many critiques that it has received worldwide. For Algeria, see Madani (Citation2012). See the denunciation letter written by Oran’s architects and academics speaking out against heritage damage and demolitions at Sidi El Houari that appeared in the newspaper El Watan, March 16, 2016.
6 For example, consider the success of the colloquium ‘Rehabilitation and Urban Revitalization’ [‘Réhabilitation et revitalization urbaine’] that took place in Oran October 19-21 2008, organised with the participation of Sidi El Houari residents. In 2007, an interactive workshop organised by the Spanish Agency of International Cooperation which brought together residents, professionals, and members of associations and universities provided the opportunity to measure the sense of attachment that Sidi El Houari residents felt towards their living spaces.
7 The available sources (see Caseneuve Citation1933) that detail this tumultuous history trace a development spanning more than six centuries that included clashes with and secessions from different Arab dynasties and Spanish, French, and Ottoman civilisations (Bouaziz Citation2002, Metair). Nevertheless, this history remains little known, especially the long period preceding the first Spanish occupation (902-1509).
8 A ‘Presidio,’ an easily visible characteristic of the city of Oran, is a fortification made up of several forts, bastions, and watchtowers. The term, when used regarding Oran, refers to the fortified nature of the city. Continually besieged by ‘native’ Algerian populations, the Spanish needed to increase their means of military defence. Such fortifications were constructed to the east of the city (such as Château de Saint-Philippe, Château de Saint-André, and Château de Rozalcazar) and to the west (Santa Cruz Fort and Saint Grégoire Fort). Other than during a few short peaceful periods, the Spanish were on the defensive. A simple military garrison as well as a prison was established during their presence. See Caporal Citation2012.
9 This first urban centre was established on the left bank of the Ras El Aïn ravine, under the hills of Mount Murdjajo. The site’s curves mould together perfectly, integrated into the heart of Oran’s bay and stretching along the low zone between the Mers el Kébir and Canastel bays. For more details regarding ‘the characteristics of the site’s physical environment,’ see Direction de l'urbanisme, de la construction et de l'habitat Citation2007.
10 Bouaziz (Citation2002, 29–68) provides a detailed analysis of Oran’s historical evolution from its creation to the first Spanish conquest in 1509.
11 Abdelhak Abdeslem (Citation2016) calls for pressing archaeological research at the Kasbah in order to unveil it from the ‘heavy amnesia’ that has been covering it. In that article, there are photographs of the Kasbah as it is presently, with remains of old buildings (such as the Marinid dungeons), as well as the degrading remains of most of the area’s constructions. The Metropolitan Laboratory of Architecture, Urbanism, and Society [Laboratoire Métropole Architecture, Urbanisme, Société (LA.M.A.U.S)] of Oran’s Architecture Department is assembling a database containing all available materials and works regarding Sidi El Houari.
12 For an anecdotal account of the Spanish arrival and presence in Oran, see Fey Citation2002. Various sources also describe the changing socio-economic and political conditions (Derrien Citation1886).
13 The urban centre of Derb lihoud, marked by a rather rigid community separation, firmly respected the alignment and dimensions of the space, which was not the case in the second quarter, whose plot was irregular.
14 Consider the various public spaces dedicated to dance and to celebration. Testimonies on the topic by those who once lived in La Calère can be heard in a video produced by the SDH Association.
15 A ‘land use plan’ [plan d’occupation du sol (POS)] is a regulatory urban operational tool against third parties (Law 90-25, December 1st 1990). Following the layout of the Urban Planning and Development Plan [Plan d'Aménagement et d'urbanisme], a land use plan secures, in a very detailed manner, the right to land use and construction. For more details, see Madani Citation2016.
16 See Madani Citation2016. ‘Sidi El Houari, entre discours patrimoniaux et enjeux sociaux.’ Madinati 1, 2nd trimester. However, it is necessary to also take into consideration the OPGI, which successfully and properly restored dozens of buildings, especially at the site of Place Kléber.
17 For details on this procedure, see K. Metair and A. Abdelhak’s articles in Madinati no. 1.
18 The Office of Housing Management and Protection (O.P.G.I. Citation2005) is a public institution that has taken on many rehabilitation projects to restore deteriorating sites in Oran, and especially in Sidi El Houari. See The Office of Housing Management and Protection (2005-2006).
19 The effective and united completion of the many different aspects of safeguarding heritage – restoration, rehabilitation, requalification, and reanimation – must be understood as one global urban project for the historic centre. Thus, adherence to the scale, the urban morphology, and the original interconnections of plots and pathways are all essential (Gustavo Giovannoni cited by Choay Citation1999, 148). A reanimation policy for traditional artisanal activities is also necessary.
20 In such a context, it is absolutely necessary to gain for these places the official status of ‘classified sites’ and to evaluate the actions of those institutions responsible for their protection. Associations active in the field propose expanding the list of major buildings to be preserved.
21 Gustavo Giovannoni raises a new question in the domain of urban heritage: considering the old city in its entirety as one monument. This idea gives value to ‘ordinary’ architectural objects that are linked to use or to daily life, such as lodging or the general historic urban fabric. In this way, monuments representing ‘major architecture’ cannot be isolated from their context. Cresti (Citation1978) defends the same position for the Kasbah of Algiers.