The role of Rifian virility in the shaping of Spanish masculinity during Spain’s colonial wars in the Rif (1900–1927): from admiration to colonial hierarchy

ABSTRACT

This article examines Spanish colonial discourse on Morocco during the Rif War from the perspective of gender. It focuses on the most reactionary sections of the Army of Africa, which later revolted against the Second Spanish Republic. The image of the Rifian man in this colonial setting is analysed as playing a decisive role in the shaping of Spanish masculinity, which was built through dialogue with this representation of the other’s manhood. This male archetype was especially relevant in the culture of the Africanist soldiers who would later have such a huge impact on the history of Spain. This article reflects on the complexities and ambiguities of the colonial relationship and aims to contribute to the discussion on the exceptionality of Spanish colonialism as compared with other European empires.

KEYWORDS:

• Masculinity
• colonialism
• Morocco
• Rif War
• gender

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 As regards Spanish-Moroccan interactions during the occupation, approaches different to that described above have focused on the experience of the colonized rather than colonizers and have very accurately and importantly analysed the agency of the colonized in shaping Spanish colonial practices and discourse. Goikolea-Amiano (2019) explains how, during the African War, the colonized were able to negotiate with Spanish occupants, getting them to accept their arguments against a more effective conquest and major intervention by referring to the fierce and unconquerable nature of the Rifians and an imminent civil war if the Moroccan authorities could not retain power. The Spaniards on the fields, such as Alarcón, acquiesed to the colonized and communicated their arguments to the metropolis.

2 Balfour places special emphasis on the brutality of the war waged by a significant section of the army from 1909 to 1927. See Balfour (2002).

3 In 1920 Silvestre was made general commander of Melilla. He aimed to conquer Alhucemas by land (Madariaga 2019, 146). He was in command during the Battle of Annual and was responsible for the Spaniard’s defeat. Some confirm that this is what led him to commit suicide (Madariaga 2019, 163). Silvestre supported the aggressive policy of military conquest backed by the monarch and hoped to prevent any attempts by the government to compromise with the Rifians. To that end, he pushed his men towards the Beni-Urriaguel regions in order to reach Alhucemas. This move was too direct, and he did not properly calculate the likelihood of success. Silvestre has been described as ‘incapable of appreciating political problems’ (Pennell 1982, 80).

4 In this literature, there is often an appeal to knightly forms of battle, which were considered more legitimate and manly since they were face to face. Thus, the most reactionary Africanists considered the use of aviation and mustard gas against civilians a cowardly way to fight (Balfour 2002; Schue 2008).

5 Soldiers such as Franco reflect on military strategy in their writings and often lament the lack of resources available to the army. They criticize the metropolitan governments for not providing enough resources and deem them unpatriotic. However, in their conception of war, elements such as morale, spirit and masculine virtues weigh heavily in the discourse as essential to victory. See Jensen (2002) and Macías (2019).

6 In the context of colonial discourse, many authors criticize this specific, exalted way of waging war, considering it antiquated, inconsistent with modern times and unbecoming of a civilized nation. Such criticism comes more strongly from those who are against colonisation, such as anarchists, socialists or Catalanists, but is shared by voices in favour of occupation of Morocco and even by conservatives calling for another model of colonialism. See Ruiz Albéniz (1922), Noel (1909), Barea (1943) and Sender (1903).

7 Despite the use of this stigmatising discourse, there is evidence of Abd el-Krim calling for Spanish prisoners to be treated with respect (Pennell 1986, 82).

8 Some authors have questioned, especially in the case of the British, whether or not the empire represented an opportunity for sexual revolution, a place to rebel against Victorian constraints on sexuality. Others believe this imperial context cannot be interpreted in this way, arguing that what there might have been were not opportunities for more open sexual relations but assault, rape and abuse of power. As for the study at hand, sexual violence perpetrated by the Spaniards against the Moroccan population has been documented (Hyam 1986, 1988; Berger 1988; Voeltz 1996).

9 This is how Indians are portrayed in British imperial discourse: feeble, physically weak, with no authority over their women. See Sinha (1995). The masculinity of the colonised has also been analysed as effeminate in the case of French colonialism. Having the colonised as their domestic servants was one way of castrating them: Algerian men were depicted as females dominated by Europeans. See Taraud (2012).

10 In English and French colonialism, the representation of the colonised as a warrior race has also been studied, especially in the periods in which they form part of the metropolitan army troops. See Streets (2006). In Spanish colonialism, this portrayal also exists but is accompanied by negative descriptions of the Rifians as deficient, beastly men.

11 As previously mentioned, the colonial literature points out a lack of love and incapacity for dignified feelings in Moroccan sexuality, which makes their sexual relationships ferocious and animal-like, just as the lack of national sentiment discredits any positive masculine qualities of the warrior as savagery.

12 This stigmatising description present in the colonial discourse is far removed from how the scientific literature has portrayed Abd el-Krim’s movement for the Republic of the Rif, or rather, as a national movement that called for men to fight for the nation as an elevated ideal. This can be observed in the ‘Islamic Wall Posters in Tetuan, Morocco, July and August, 1921’ compiled by Pennell in 1986 and which call for fighting in God’s name and for all Muslims (Madariaga 2009; Pennell 1986, 84, 242).

13 It is clear that this new manhood shaped in Morocco can, in some respects, be compared to the fascist masculinity that has been studied in the case of Italy and Germany. The fascist man was portrayed as aggressive, and hyper-masculinised. He was tough, heroic and, much like the Africanist soldier, characterized by energy, impetuousness and his taste for violence. He represented an extreme version of the qualities of military masculinity. He was also extremely fearful of homosexuality and the feminisation of men (racial purity is especially important in the case of Germany, unlike Spain). Some of these characteristics of extreme and hyper-aggressive masculinity, typical of fascist settings, could already be observed in the Spanish soldier in Africa. Although, this masculine figure — and the later model of the Francoist man — would be much more complex and would also fall under other influences. See Aresti (2014).

14 This was not the only force shaping modern Spanish masculinity. In fact, the issue is a very complex process that varies greatly throughout history, depending on different ideologies and contexts. A wide range of bibliographic references have examined the shaping of modern Spanish masculinity and its varying archetypes, including but not limited to: the Don Juan, the bullfighter, the Spanish bandit, references to the Reconquista and El Cantar de mio Cid and its knightly ideal of masculinity, and the Indian construed in the Americas. This article deals with a very specific factor – the colonial factor – in shaping the masculinity of a very specific ideological group and section – the Africanist soldiers of the 20’s – which later had a great impact on the history of Spain (Alcalde 2017; Andreu Miralles 2016; Aresti 2001, 2002, 2006, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2017; Nash 2014; Box 2017; Bunk 2007; Cleminson 2008; Di Febo 1989; Díaz Freire 2015, 2017; Labanyi 2004, 2012; Martykánová 2017; Uría 2008, 2014; Vázquez and Cleminson 2011; Schue 2008; Zanardi 1992; Castro 2020).

15 In the case of Spain, masculinity seems to be hardened in the colonies, a process which hasalso been described in the French and English colonies. In certain periods, the colonial war meant the confirmation of an aggressive masculinity resistant to the easy life of the metropolis. In some cases, it even became quite aggressive. See Mangan (2011) Taraud (2011).

16 Franco’s defence of the Africanist army must be contextualized in the dispute between metropolitan officers and Africanists over the awarding of promotions. Unlike the officers who had remained on the Iberian Peninsula, the Africanists felt they should be granted war merits. It is also possible to associate this position with the defence of a particular model of masculinity.