Mothers' perceptions of the medicalisation of female genital cutting among the Kisii population in Kenya

Abstract

While within the Kisii community in Kenya the prevalence of female genital cutting (FGC) is decreasing, the practice is increasingly being performed by health professionals. This study aims to analyse these changes by identifying mothers' motives to opt for medicalised FGC, and how this choice possibly relates to other changes in the practice. We conducted face-to-face semi-structured in-depth interviews with mothers who had daughters around the age of cutting (8–14 years old) in Kisii county, Kenya. Transcripts of the interviews were coded and analysed thematically, applying researcher triangulation. According to mothers’ accounts, the main driver behind the choice to medicalise was the belief that medicalising FGC reduces health risks. There were suggestions that medicalised FGC may be becoming the new community norm or the only option. The shift to medicalisation was examined in relation to other changes in the practice of FGC signalling how medicalisation may provide a way to increase the practice's secrecy and decrease its visibility.

Keywords:

• Female genital cutting
• female genital cutting/mutilation
• medicalisation
• social norms
• decision-making

Acknowledgements

We thank all respondents to share their story on FGC.

Notes

1 Prevalence percentages were calculated by dividing the number of girls and women cut in a certain birth cohort by the total number of girls and woman belonging to this birth cohort.

2 Medicalisation percentages were calculated by dividing the number of medicalised cuts that occurred in girls and women from a certain birth cohort by the total number of girls and woman cut belonging to this birth cohort.

3 For one respondent, the daughter within this age range was actually a granddaughter that lived with her and for whom she was the primary care giver.

4 Represents national administration at county level.

5 Except for one, which was conducted in a house where the interviewee was working as domestic help.

6 We do not distinguish between types of trained health professionals, as in the Kisii language (in which most interviews were performed) the term omoyagitari is used, which is a broad term referring to any practitioner drawn from a health-care setting, whether a public hospital, private hospital or private clinic. There is no specification of the health professional’s function or gender. Moreover, respondents assume they are trained health professionals.

7 We chose the term ‘female circumcision’ to discuss the practice with the respondents. In Kisii, the practice is called ogosara chinyaroka. Ogosara means ‘circumcision’ and chinyaroka means ‘girls’. In Kiswahili, the practice is called tohara ya Kike.

8 We assume that daughters' FGC status at age 14 is definitive since data on most recent birth cohorts suggests that the majority of girls are cut before puberty (28 Too Many 2016; Njue and Askew 2004).

9 Due to very low FGC prevalence percentages the Luhya and Luo communities are not included in this graph.

Additional information

Funding

The research was funded by the University of Antwerp.