ABSTRACT
Attacks on journalists and the media in Brazil have a long history but have become even more problematic through the use of social media, particularly following the election of Jair Bolsonaro as president in 2019. In times of industry restructuring and coronavirus pandemic, the systematic attacks on individual journalists and on the media by Bolsonaro and his associates are posing unprecedented challenges, and are part of a pattern of abuse to suppress media freedom and discredit journalists’ work. This article focuses upon journalists’ abilities to access different types of capital to anticipate, cope with, and create options to overcome perceived threats and generate positive outcomes. This study builds upon the works of Voss (Behemoth-A Journal on Civilisation 1 (3): 39–56, 2008), Obrist, Pfeiffer and Henley (Progress in Development Studies 10 (4): 283–293, 2010) and Hess’ (Communication Theory 23 (2): 112–130, 2013) “mediated social capital” to advance understanding of the nexus amongst risk, vulnerability and social resilience, and examines structural inequalities in and through the media. By employing a mixed-methods approach, we combine the results of a survey and in-depth interviews with high-profile figures of leading newspapers and professional bodies in the country. The findings open up possibilities on how news media’s “mediated social capital” might enhance women journalists’ capacity to move from vulnerability to social resilience, improving their safety.
Acknowledgements
We would like to express our gratitude to all women journalists and high-profile figures of news media organisations and professional journalism associations, who generously offered their time to be interviewed. In addition, Alice Baroni is particularly indebted to Maria José Braga and Cristina Zahar for circulating the online survey, respectively, through FENAJ’s and ABRAJI’s mailing-lists.
Disclosure Statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 On 19 July 2021, a photojournalist with Globo TV who was in Tokyo preparing for the coverage of the Olympics, was sent back to Brazil and fired on his arrival in the country over accusations of sexual harassment of a producer with Globo TV. An official note by Globo Group reads, “Globo does not tolerate abusive behaviour on its teams” (VejaRio Citation2021).
2 The decision came after the photojournalist Dida Sampaio and other media professionals with O Estado de S. Paulo newspaper were assaulted with kicks, punches and bumps by Bolsonaro supporters, whilst reporting on a pro-Bolsonaro demonstration on 3 May 2020 (O Estado de S. Paulo Citation2020).
3 In the 22nd edition of Folha's (Citation2021) “Manual of style and behaviour of the country’s main newspaper,” journalists facing online harassment are advised to:
report the attacks to their superiors. Although there is not a single way to address intimidation attempts, some actions are recommended: save and document the abuse as much as possible (save screenshots, links, received messages), and report the abuse to platforms; seek legal remedy; block aggressors; strengthen the digital security (…); assess whether one’s physical integrity is at risk and take the applicable measures. As online harassment might have implications for mental health, it is advised to refrain from using social media for at least 48 h, change the notification settings and ask a trustee to take the applicable measures in order for the target of attacks not read the offensive content. (Folha Citation2021)
4 Lopes’ case brought about important changes in journalists’ work practices. Bulletproof vests and cars were adopted and journalists underwent special training to work in areas of high risk (see Moretzsohn Citation2003; Baroni and Mayr Citation2018).
5 Concerning the mass protests, 212 professional journalists were assaulted between 2013 and 2014 (FENAJ Citation2013, Citation2014), and a cameraman with Band TV, Santiago Andrade, was hit by an explosive device set off by a demonstrator. Andrade underwent brain surgery, but subsequently was declared “brain dead” (BBC Citation2014). These dramatic episodes laid the basis for an intense debate amongst journalists’ unions and other professional bodies, e.g., FENAJ, ABI (Brazilian Press Association), and academics, concerning the role of mainstream media organisations in creating support mechanisms to protect their journalists.
6 In July 2018, FENAJ called on the Public Ministry in Brazil (without success) to review the “Editorial Principles of Globo Group” concerning the usage of social media by journalists. According to FENAJ (Citation2018), “the Globo Group, as a pretext to establish ‘guidelines for the usage of social media,’ has promoted prior censorship on professional journalists, preventing them, under threat, from expressing themselves on social media; on platforms that already exist, as well as on those that may come into existence.”
7 In her book, “A Máquina do Ódio” [The Hate Machine] (Mello Citation2020), Mello explores the nexus between the rise in disinformation campaigns and consequent interference in public discourse. She also describes in detail shocking series of online harassment, image-based abuse and threats against her and her family, and the implications for her real life.