ABSTRACT
While supporting the values and goals of sustainable development at the international level, states might employ very different strategies at the national level. The goal of this Forward and of special issue is twofold. First, it aims to advance our understanding of different strategies, paying special attention to China and Russia at global, national, and sub-national levels. Thus, analysis of their strategies across different levels presents a more rounded picture. The second goal is to identify at least a few of the most pressing challenges of sustainable development across Eurasia (e.g. nuclear supply chain, emissions, environmental conflict management) and to attempt to understand their triggers, outcomes, and potential solutions. This Forward aspires to develop a better dialogue across different sets of literature in area studies, environmental politics, and international relations to improve our understanding of obstacles to sustainable development in Eurasia.
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Notes
1. I would like thank all the contributors to this special issue for their inspiration and support: Joan Martinez-Alier and Ksenija Hanaček, Jale Tosun and Karina Shyrokykh, A. L. Demchuk and Mile Mišić, Marianna Poberezhskaya and Alina Bychkova, Ilya A. Stepanov and Igor A. Makarov, Raufhon Salahodjaev and Arletta Isaeva. I take this opportunity to thank the Basic Research Programme of the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE University) for funding the research presented in this article.
3. On the EU and diffusion of democracy, see, (Ambrosio, Citation2010; Börzel & Solingen, Citation2014; Kopstein & Reilly, Citation2000; Lankina et al., Citation2016a; Levitsky & Way, Citation2010; Obydenkova, Citation2008; Pevehouse, Citation2005; Whitehead, Citation1996). On democratisation in Eurasia, see for example, Teorell (Citation2010).
5. On Russia and China, see, (Sun & Alex, Citation2016; Tosun & Rinscheid, Citation2021; Venable, Citation2011; Yu, Citation2015; Zhang et al., Citation2019; Zhang & Xue-Feng, Citation2019). On IOs as actors of sustainable development, see, Biermann and Bauer (Citation2004). On the EU’s impact, see, Andonova and Tuta (Citation2014).
6. On the vertical of power and territorial (de-)centralisation in Russia, see for example, Obydenkova and Swenden (Citation2013). On sub-national actors in environmental politics (deforestation) see, Libman and Obydenkova (Citation2014); and on subnational corruption in Russia, see for example, Dinino and Orttung (Citation2005), Obydenkova and Libman (Citation2015).
7. Previous studies have pointed out that loans, trade, and investment might include environmental conditionality (e.g. on banks, see, Ambrosio et al., Citation2021; Anastassia et al., Citation2021; Djalilov & Hartwell, Citation2021; Gutner, Citation2002; Hall et al., Citation2021). Other studies demonstrate that, in some cases, financial development reduces CO2 emissions, while economic growth may increase CO2 emissions (e.g. Shahbaz et al., Citation2013).
8. The importance of public opinion, transparency, and the power of independent mass media in environmental conflict management was outlined in a number of studies (e.g. Mišić & Obydenkova, Citation2021).
9. A similar argument can also be found in Kochtcheeva (Citation2021).
10. To some extent, this argument echoes studies on the diffusion of (democratic) values and practices developed within international dimension of democratisation (e.g. Kopstein & Reilly, Citation2000; Lankina et al., Citation2016a; Obydenkova, Citation2008).
11. Very recent studies have demonstrated that even loans and investment coming from the EBRD and associated with strong environmental conditionality can be subverted by China (see for example, Anastassia et al., Citation2021).
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