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ABSTRACT
In this article, we aim to explore the shift in the relationship between the state and women’s rights organizations (WROs) in Turkey in the post-2011 period, which was evinced in rising tensions between gender equality and gender complementarity discourses. We argue that, in the process of the vernacularization of global and/or international gender norms in Turkey, the conservative gender policy of the government corresponded to the endorsement of ‘gender justice,’ a particularistic approach formulated with reference to Islam. As such, the vernacularization of universal gender norms opened the way for the state in Turkey to solidify its legitimacy by instrumentalizing social divisions, marginalizing opposition WROs, and aligning with government-oriented organizations.
Acknowledgements
The initial stage of the research (2014–2015) was carried under the project, ‘Citizens First’. We want to thank to Oxfam Novib for providing fund for the field research and for collaboration between Oxfam Novib, Peace, Training and Research Organization (PTRO), and Afghanistan Public Policy Research Organization (APPRO). We would also like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their insightful suggestions and the participants for their contribution to our research.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Note on contributors
Berrin Koyuncu is Professor of Political Science in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration of Hacettepe University (Ankara, Turkey). She received her MA and Ph.D. degrees from Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey). She has published articles on local politics in Turkey and gender, the headscarf issue in Europe, Turkish political thought, and Turkish political economy. She is the author of various articles in Women’s Studies International Forum, Feminism & Psychology, and Review of International Political Economy.
Aylin Özman is Professor of Political Science in Department of Political Science and International Relations at TED University (Ankara, Turkey). She received her MA and Ph.D from the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Bilkent University (Ankara, Turkey). Her works mainly concentrate on political theory and Turkish politics. She has published on political and social thought in Turkey, Turkish politics, and gender, both in Turkish and in English. She is the author of various articles in Contemporary Politics, Social and Legal Studies, Der Islam, Orient, Turkish Studies, Journal of Third World Studies, and Journal of Language and Politics.
Notes
1 We use the state and the AKP government interchangeably as, since 2011, the AKP government and the state merged through monopolization of power under the personal rule of Erdoğan. See Öniş, “Monopolizing Center,” 25.
2 See Arat, “Religion, Politics,” 880.
3 See Ibid.; Coşar and Yeğenoğlu, “New Grounds for Patriarchy,” 563; Cindoglu and Unal, “Gender and Sexuality,” 7; and Kandiyoti, “Locating politics of gender.”
4 See Çitak and Tür, “Women between Tradition and Change”; Coşar and Yeğenoğlu, “New Grounds for Patriarchy,” 556; and Cindoglu and Unal, “Gender and Sexuality.”
5 Kandiyoti, “Locating politics of gender,” 103.
6 Coşar and Özkan-Kerestecioğlu “Feminist Politics in Turkey,” 159, 162. See also Acar and Altunok, “Politics of Intimate,” 20.
7 For a similar account, see Özkan-Kerestecioğlu and Özman, “Academic Feminism in Turkey.”
8 Cosar and Yeğenoğlu, “New Grounds for Patriarchy,” 565.
9 See Erdoğan’s opening speeches in KADEM’s 1st and 2nd International Women and Justice Summit, November 24, 2014, November 25, 2016, www.kadem.org.tr.
10 Levitt and Merry, “Vernacularization on the ground,” 446.
11 Lorch and Bunk, “Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime.”
12 Lewis, “Civil Society, Authoritarian State,” and Lorch and Bunk, “Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime.”
13 Lewis, “Civil Society, Authoritarian State,” 326.
14 Lorch and Bunk, “Gender Politics, Authoritarian Regime,” 8–11.
15 Obuch, “Challanges and Limits of CSOs,” 8, 10.
16 For different country experiences, see Al-Ali, “Gender and Civil Society,” and Salhi (ed.), Gender and Diversity.
17 The Vietnamese case is a striking example in this context. See Wischerman, “Civic Organizations.”
18 Levitt and Merry, “Vernacularization on the ground,” 446. For vernacularization of women’s rights in Turkey, regarding women’s employment policy, see Alnıaçık et al., “Gender Policy Architecture.”
19 Özbudun, “Erdoğan’s Majoritarian Drift,”
20 Levitsky and Way, “Competitive authoritarianism,” and Esen and Gumuscu, “Rising competitive authoritarianism,” 1582–4.
21 Somer, “Understanding Turkey’s Democratic Breakdown,” 482.
22 See Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız İnkılap, and Çaha, Civil Society in Turkey.
23 Arat, “Toward A Democratic Society,” 243.
24 See also Coşar and Özkan-Kerestecioğlu “Feminist Politics,” 152.
25 For a detailed elaboration see Zihnioğlu, Kadınsız İnkılap.For a critical account on the early period from a feminist perspective, see Tekeli, Kadınlar ve Siyasal Toplumsal Hayat.
26 Ibid. The exceptions were left-wing Progressive Women’s Association (İlerici Kadınlar Derneği) and Revolutionary Women’s Organization (Devrimci Kadınlar Birliği) established in the 1970s. See Kardam, Turkey’s Engagement, 42.
27 Ibid.
28 Ibid., 69.
29 By 2000, there were 211 WROs in Turkey. Ibid.
30 Arat, “Contestation and Collaboration,” 400; Cosar and Yeğenoğlu, “New Grounds for Patriarchy”; and Ertürk, “Turkey’s Modern Paradoxes,” 97.
31 Arat, “Toward A Democratic Society,” 106.
32 Coşar and Onbaşı, “Women’s Movement in Turkey,” 325, and Esim and Cindoglu, “Women’s organizations.”
33 Esim and Cindoglu, “Women’s organizations,” 178.
34 Kardam, Turkey’s Engagement, 26–7, and Müftüler-Baç, Divergent Pathways, 119.
35 Ertürk, “Turkey’s Modern Paradoxes,” 99.
36 Kardam and Ertürk, “Gender Accountability,” 179.
37 Kardam, Turkey’s Engagement, 46–53, 69.
38 Kardam and Ertürk, “Gender Accountability,” 169.
39 Ibid., 71.
40 Kubicek, “Grass-Roots Democratization,” 367, and Müftüler-Baç, Divergent Pathways, 115. Also see Aldıkaçtı Marshall, “Shaping Gender Policy.”
41 Kandiyoti, “A Tangled Web,” and Müftüler-Baç, Divergent Pathways.
42 Müftüler-Baç, Divergent Pathways, 326.
43 Keyman and Gumuscu, “Civil Society,” 159.
44 Özler and Sarkissian, “Role of Civil Society,” 378.
45 Keyman and Gumuscu, “Civil Society,” 160.
46 Güneş-Ayata and Doğangün, “Gender Politics of the AKP.”
47 Cindoglu and Unal, “Gender and Sexuality,” 2.
48 This anti-feminist stance is taken as AKP’s negation and resistance to gender equality and women’s rights, see Coşar and Yeğenoğlu, “New Grounds for Patriarchy,” 564. AKP government’s endorsement for Islamic patriarchal norms against gender equality is emphasized by Arat, “Religion, Politics,” 874–5.
49 Stated on May 26, 2012, quoted in Kandiyoti, “Locating politics of gender,” 104. Erdoğan’s approach to abortion was harshly criticized by the feminist circles and led MOR ÇATI’s suspension of its relations with the state.
50 http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/cumhurbaskani-erdogan-kadin-ve-adalet-toplantisinda-konustu-27640428. The opponent WROs regarded the declaration as a violation of international conventions and stated their discontentment for the state’s ignorance of the Constitution as its reference, and its adoption of a religious perspective that subjugate women. See www.morcati.org.tr, November 26, 2014.
51 Yabancı, “Populism as the problem child of democracy.”
52 Aksoy “Invigorating Democracy,” 159.
53 www.bianet.org, November 24, 2014.
54 KADEM.
55 Ibid.
56 Acar and Altunok, “Politics of Intimate,” 16; Kandiyoti, “Locating politics of gender”; and Yilmaz, “Strengthening Family,” 371.
57 Aydın Yılmaz, “Gender Justice,” 112.
58 Arat, “Contestation and Collaboration,” 404.
59 Ibid., 410.
61 BKPD.
62 http://www.ak-der.org/. See also Kadıoğlu, “Civil Society, Islam and Democracy in Turkey.”
63 Ertürk, “Turkey’s Modern Paradoxes,” 98–9, and Müftüler-Baç, Divergent Pathways, 119.
64 Coşar and Özkan-Kerestecioğlu “Feminist Politics in Turkey.”
65 Akyüz and Sayan-Cengiz, “Overcome your anger,” 1.
66 MOR ÇATI.
67 ASPB.
68 BKPD.
69 Ibid.
70 KA.DER, MOR ÇATI.
71 Levitt and Merry, “Vernacularization on the ground,” 455.
72 Ibid.
73 Ibid.
74 See also, Aksoy “Invigorating Democracy,” 152.
75 Kandiyoti, “A Tangled Web.”
76 www.kadem.org.tr, January 21, 2017.
77 Group of Experts on Action Against VAW and Domestic Violence.
79 www.morcati.org.tr, January 3, 2015.
80 MOR ÇATI.
81 ASPB.
82 www.mfa.gov.tr, May 5, 2015, Press Release, No: 130.
83 Lombardo, “EU gender policy,” 169.
84 KSGM.
85 BKPD.
86 KADEM.
87 MOR ÇATI.
88 BKPD
89 www.morcati.org.tr, February 6, 2015.
90 See report “Aile Bütünlüğünü Olumsuz Etkileyen Unsurlar” (May 14, 2016).
91 MOR ÇATI.
92 KSGM.
93 KADEM.
94 AKDER.
95 Şimşek, “Transformation of Civil Society,” 48–9.
96 MOR ÇATI.
97 The Platform for Women’s Equality comprising 57 WROs in Turkey wrote a letter to the Prime Minister asking the real intention of the government for limiting ministry to family affairs. See http://bianet.org/bianet/kadin/130585-kadin-bakanligi-kaldirildi-kadin-orgutleri-ofkeli, June 01, 2011.
98 BKPD.
99 KA.DER.
100 AK-DER.