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Notes
1 See, for example, Niclas D. Weimar, ‘Sino-Indian Power Predominance in Maritime Asia: A (Re-)source of Conflict in the Indian Ocean and South China Sea’, Global Change, Peace and Security 25, no. 1 (2013): 5–26.
2 See Iain MacGillivray, ‘Maturing Sino-Saudi Strategic Relations and Changing Dynamics in the Gulf’, Global Change, Peace and Security (2018). doi:10.1080/14781158.2018.1475350; Christopher M. Davidson, The Persian Gulf and Pacific Asia (London: Hurst, 2010); Carrie Liu Currier and Manochehr Dorraj, ‘In Arms We Trust: The Economic and Strategic Factors Motivating China-Iran Relations’, Journal of Chinese Political Science 15 (2010): 49–69; Naser M. al-Tamimi, China-Saudi Arabia Relations, 1990–2012 (London: Routledge, 2013); Moritz Pieper, ‘Dragon Dance or Panda Trot? China’s Position towards the Iranian Nuclear Programme and Its Perception of EU Unilateral Iran Sanctions’, European Journal of East Asian Studies 12 (2013): 295–316; Sara Bazoobandi, ‘Sanctions and Isolation, The Driving Force of Sino-Iranian Relations’, East Asia 32 (2015): 257–71; Mohamed S. Olimat, China and the Gulf Cooperation Council Countries (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2016). For a path-breaking look at China’s relations with Iraq, see Joseph Sasoon, ‘China and Iraq’, in The Red Star and the Crescent: China and the Middle East, ed. James Reardon-Anderson (London: Hurst, 2018), 149–167.
3 Daniel J. Kostecka, ‘The Chinese Navy’s Emerging Support Network in the Indian Ocean’, China Brief 10, no. 15 (2010): 3–5; Daniel J. Kostecka, ‘Places and Bases: The Chinese Navy’s Emerging Support Network in the Indian Ocean’, Naval War College Review 64, no. 1 (2011): 60 and 65–7.
4 Degana Sun, ‘China’s Military Relations with the Middle East’, in Red Star and Crescent, ed. Reardon-Anderson, 87. See also Kostecka, ‘Places or Bases’, 63.
5 Ross Anthony, ‘Infrastructure and Influence: China’s Presence on the Coast of East Africa’, Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 9, no. 2 (2013): 134–49; Ana Cristina Alves, ‘China’s “Win-Win” Cooperation: Unpacking the Impact of Infrastructure-for-Resources Deals in Africa’, South African Journal of International Affairs 20, no. 2 (2013): 207–26; Suisheng Zhao, ‘A Neo-Colonialist Predator or Development Partner? China's Engagement and Rebalance in Africa’, Journal of Contemporary China 23, no. 90 (2014): 1033–52.
6 Dipanjan Roy Chaudhury, ‘PM Modi’s Oman Visit: Navy Can Now Access Duqm Port’, Economic Times, February 14, 2018; David Brewster, ‘Indian Ocean Base Race: India Responds’, www.lowyinstitute.org (accessed February 15, 2018).
7 Giorgio Cafiero and Cinzia Miotto, ‘Oman Diversifies Allies with Closer India Ties’ (Washington, D C: Middle East Institute), October 5, 2016, mei.edu/content/article/oman-diversifies-allies-closer-india-ties
8 Christopher Len, ‘China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road Initiative, Energy Security and SLOC Access’, Maritime Affairs 11, no. 1 (2015): 1–18.
9 Mike Callaghan and Paul Hubbard, ‘The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank: Multilateralism on the Silk Road’, China Economic Journal 9, no. 2 (2016): 116–39; Weidong Liu and Michael Dunford, ‘Inclusive Globalization: Unpacking China’s Belt and Road Initiative’, Area Development and Policy 1, no. 3 (2016): 323–40; Xun Pang, Lida Liu, and Stephanie Ma, ‘China's Network Strategy for Seeking Great Power Status’, Chinese Journal of International Politics 10, no. 1 (2017): 1–29. See also Linda Jakobson, ‘China’s Diplomacy toward Africa: Drivers and Constraints’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 9, no. 3 (2009): 403–33.
10 Michael J. Hogan, The Marshall Plan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); John Gerard Ruggie, ‘International Regimes, Transactions and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order’, International Organization 36, no. 2 (1981): 379–415; G. John Ikenberry, After Victory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000).
11 Yong Wang, ‘Offensive for Defensive: The Belt and Road Initiative and China’s New Grand Strategy’, Pacific Review 29, no. 3 (2016): 457; Hong Yu, ‘Motivation Behind China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiatives and Establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank’, Journal of Contemporary China 26, no. 105 (2017): 360–1.
12 Ibid., 460.
13 Devin T. Hagerty, ‘India’s Regional Security Doctrine’, Asian Survey 31, no. 4 (1991): 351–63; Li Li, ‘India’s Security Concept and Its China Policy in the Post-Cold War Era’, Chinese Journal of International Politics 2, no. 2 (2008): 229–61; David Brewster, ‘Indian Strategic Thinking about East Asia’, Journal of Strategic Studies 34, no. 6 (2011): 825–52; Takenori Horimoto, ‘Explaining India’s Foreign Policy: From Dream to Realization of Major Power’, International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 17, no. 3 (2017): 463–96.
14 Cafiero and Miotto, ‘Oman Diversifies Allies’.
15 Robert Jervis, ‘Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma’, World Politics 30, no. 1 (1978): 167–213; Charles L. Glaser, ‘Political Consequences of Military Strategy: Expanding and Refining the Spiral and Deterrence Models’, World Politics 44, no. 4 (1992): 497–538; Andrew Kydd, ‘Game Theory and the Spiral Model’, World Politics 49, no. 2 (1997): 371–400. See also Jo Jakobsen and Thomas Halvorsen, ‘The Durability of the Security Dilemma: An Empirical Investigation of Action-Reaction Dynamics in States’ Military Spending (1988–2014)’, Chinese Journal of International Politics 11, no. 2 (2018): 153–92.
16 Robert Jervis, ‘Was the Cold War a Security Dilemma?’ Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 1 (2001): 36–60.
17 Jonathan Holslag, ‘The Persistent Military Security Dilemma Between China and India’, Journal of Strategic Studies 32, no. 6 (2009): 812–14. See also John W. Garver, ‘The Security Dilemma in Sino-Indian Relations’, India Review 1, no. 4 (2002): 1–38; David Scott, ‘Sino-Indian Security Predicaments for the Twenty-First Century’, Asian Security 4, no. 3 (2008): 244–70.
18 Holslag, ‘Persistent Military Security Dilemma’, 824.
19 Ibid., 828. See also Garver, ‘Security Dilemma in Sino-Indian Relations’, 25–8; Scott, ‘Sino-Indian Security Predicaments’, 259–60; Li, ‘India’s Post-Cold War Policy’, 260.
20 Holslag, ‘Persistent Military Security Dilemma’, 835.
21 Brewster himself concludes that there is no security dilemma between the PRC and India, on the grounds that there is nothing Beijing can do that will seriously challenge New Delhi’s predominant position in the Indian Ocean. China’s underlying weakness in regional affairs may well reduce the dangerousness of the security dilemma between these two states, but does not eliminate it.
22 David Brewster, ‘Beyond the “String of Pearls”: Is There Really a Sino-Indian Security Dilemma in the Indian Ocean?’ Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 10, no. 2 (2014): 143.
23 Ibid., 145.
24 Ibid., 146.
25 David Brewster, ‘An Indian Ocean Dilemma: Sino-Indian Rivalry and China’s Strategic Vulnerability in the Indian Ocean’, Journal of the Indian Ocean Region 11, no. 1 (2015): 50–2.
26 Ibid., 48.
27 See Jervis, ‘Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma’; Charles L. Glaser, ‘The Security Dilemma Revisited’, World Politics 50, no. 1 (1997): 171–201.