Evangelicals and Governance in the Global South

Abstract

In this essay I ask: how do evangelicals in the Global South engage on issues relating to conflict, security, and basic human rights? I discuss who evangelicals are in the Global South and then present cases of two evangelical churches: one affluent and one impoverished. I argue that social location matters: affluent churches can participate in democratic discourse; impoverished actors must often navigate the perils wrought by state failure. In both environments, evangelicalism’s (sometimes underutilized) political and policy engagement is guided by a mix of traditional and modern values, and is directed toward a particular vision of a flourishing society.

Keywords:

• Evangelical
• Global South
• El Salvador
• South Africa
• Governance
• Gangs

Notes

1 This essay was commissioned by the Cambridge Institute on Religion & International Studies (CIRIS) on behalf of the Transatlantic Policy Network on Religion and Diplomacy (TPNRD). CIRIS’s role as the Secretariat of the TPNRD is generously supported by the Henry Luce Foundation. The opinions expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the views of CIRIS, Cambridge University, the Luce Foundation, the TPNRD Secretariat, or any TPNRD-participating government.

2 Even knowing whether ‘evangelical’ is the best term is cause for extended debate. Other possible references include conservative Christians, Pentecostals, orthodox Christians, and spirit-filled Christians. Although imperfect, I believe the term ‘evangelical’ has certain advantages. These include the fact that not all evangelicals are politically conservative, ‘Pentecostal’ is often viewed as referring to a set of religious practices which are used inside and outside of the Christian circles of interest in this paper, Christian orthodoxy can be legitimately debated by different camps within the faith, and evangelicalism covers an important set of faith actors that the term ‘spirit-filled Christian’ does not intend to cover.

3 If and how these events across the globe were linked is a point of academic debate.

4 Kate Bowler (2013) outlines the prosperity gospel’s long and complicated history in the U.S. The current constellation of prosperity preachers includes Joel Osteen, Creflo Dollar, and Kenneth Copeland. The prosperity message states that faith can bring health, wealth and victory over life’s problems.

5 From this point on, Rhema will be used to reference the Johannesburg-based church.

6 Rhema’s prominence has created some envy among competing churches. One affluent, black South African who does not attend Rhema stated that Rhema “is one church that’s got celebrities and non-celebrities … if you are an unknown, the pastor will not come to you, he will send other people. But if you are a celebrity, he will [pay attention] to you.”

7 It should be acknowledged that while McCauley is helping to raise the profile of women’s rights, he has had multiple divorces, which is a source of consternation for the church.

8 Pseudonyms are used for names of all places and people in this section. This includes the town, the church, and the pastor.

9 Multiple studies (Wolseth 2011; Brenneman 2012; O’Neill 2015; Johnson 2017) show that Central American evangelical churches uniquely provide people with a pathway out of gangs. This is possible in part, Brenneman (2012) argues, because gang leaders can observe the life changes that evangelical conversion requires. The new lifestyle includes submission to God through active church attendance, an ascetic lifestyle and a cessation from violence. Gang leaders monitor but also respect these behavior changes.

10 The religious practices of gang members are heterogeneous and complicated. One window into gangs’ cosmology are the frequent references to “the beast”, a term which has multiple meanings. Sometimes it is another name for Satan; sometimes it is a personification or spiritualization of acts of violence, particularly homicide. Raul, an inmate and former gang member, said that “ … . Many [gang members] worry, ‘how will God will take care of me if I'm killing [other people]?’ And they say "No, the beast, the beast is with me," and they cling to some relationship with the beast, which is the Devil, as protection … they cling to the [idea] that "no, the beast is with us," "the beast has taken care of us," "the beast, we must entrust things to the beast." This psychological and spiritual dependence on the beast is often worked out through formal rituals, including, in some cases, human sacrifices. Lower class churches that accept converted gang members for membership do not have uniform procedures for dealing with these issues. Some will seek to cast out any evil spirits that may afflict the individual, but pastors will more frequently seek to use corporate and individual prayer, Bible study, and pastoral counseling in these cases.

11 Ava, a black South African lawyer with an ivy league education, is a case in point. In an interview, Ava expressed dismay about a prominent strip club near her Johannesburg home. She argued that South Africa’s new freedoms should not have the effect of making sex a highly visible public commodity. This, to Ava’s way of thinking, exploits women and debases communities. She applied a quote by a favorite British scribe of evangelicals, CS Lewis, to her current context: “we make men without chests and expect of them virtue and enterprise.” Evangelicals devise various strategies to promote what they believe is a more wholesome vision of public life.

12 In areas of conflict across the Global South more progressive theological groups often argue that peace requires changes in the way societies are structured (a more just society). Evangelicals tend to emphasize the restoration of relationships between individuals and groups without dwelling on underlying social structures.

13 Evangelicals in San Diego have no ethical qualms whatsoever about undocumented migration. It is part of their pragmatic response to broken state systems. Some congregations even have annual events celebrating their friends and family who have gone to the U.S. and who send remittances back in support of the church.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Stephen Offutt

Stephen Offutt is an Associate Professor of development studies at Asbury Theological Seminary. His research interests include religion, international development, transnationalism and political advocacy. Publications include papers in Social Forces and the Christian Relief, Development and Advocacy Journal, and a book with Cambridge University Press. Offutt and his wife, Amy Reynolds, an associate professor of sociology at Wheaton College, have three young daughters.