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Research Article

Collective Action, Foreign Fighting, and the Global Struggle for the Islamic State

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Pages 234-259 | Published online: 17 Aug 2020
 

ABSTRACT

This project examines the global “foreign fighter” phenomenon, in which individuals fight in a foreign conflict. We explore the question – “Why do ordinary people travel abroad to fight and potentially die for a foreign cause?” – by analyzing a dataset of 27,223 foreign fighters from 75 countries who fought for the Islamic State. The statistical results demonstrate that one must draw on three different bodies of collective action theory to provide a robust explanation. The Islamic State’s foreign fighters come from countries that are predominantly Muslim (social network theory), that have greater levels of educational attainment (grievance theory), and that are experiencing elevated levels of domestic political instability (political opportunity theory). These findings have theoretical implications for understanding the international dimension of collection action, most notably regarding international democracy promotion. Whereas a country’s degree of democracy or authoritarianism does not affect the numbers of foreign fighters from that country, the democratization process and democratic transition foster domestic political instability that in turn favors higher numbers of foreign fighters.

Correction Statement

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

1. Cerwyn Moore, “Introductory Comments on Foreign Fighters Research: Special Mini-Series,” Terrorism and Political Violence 27, no. 3 (2015): 393–4.

2. Alex Schmid, “Foreign (Terrorist) Fighter Estimates: Conceptual and Data Issues.” International Center for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague (27 October 2015), available at: https://icct.nl/publication/foreign-terrorist-fighter-estimates-conceptual-and-data-issues/ (accessed November 15, 2018).

3. David Malet, Foreign Fighters: Transnational Identity in Civil Conflicts (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).

4. Adam Hochschild, Spain in our Hearts: Americans in the Spanish Civil War, 1936–1939 (New York: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2016).

5. The 194 figure includes 193 United Nations-recognized countries plus Palestine. A total of 34 countries drop out of the analysis due to missing data. We also do not include Iraq and Syria as the targets of travel for Islamic State foreign fighters.

6. David Malet, “Why Foreign Fighters? Historical Perspectives and Solutions,” Orbis 54, no. 1 (2009): 97–114.

7. Jessica Stern and J.M Berger, “ISIS and the Foreign Fighter Phenomenon: Why Do People Travel Abroad to Take Part in Somebody Else’s Violent Conflict?” The Atlantic (8 March 2015), available at: https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2015/03/isis-and-the-foreign-fighter-problem/387166/ (accessed November 15, 2018).

8. David Malet, “Foreign Fighter Mobilization and Persistence in a Global Context,” Terrorism and Political Violence 27, no. 3 (2015): 454.

9. Malet (2013).

10. Nir Arielli, From Byron to bin Laden: A History of Foreign War Volunteers (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2018), 3.

11. Daniel Byman, Road Warriors: Foreign Fighters in the Armies of Jihad (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 9.

12. Thomas Hegghammer, “The Rise of Muslim Foreign Fighters: Islam and the Globalization of Jihad,” International Security 35, no. 3 (2010): 53–94; and Barak Mendelsohn, “Foreign Fighters – Recent Trends,” Orbis 55, no. 2 (2011): 189–202.

13. Cerwyn Moore and Paul Tumelty, “Foreign Fighters and the Case of Chechnya: A Critical Assessment,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 31, no. 5 (2008): 412–33; Ben Rich and Dara Conduit, “The Impact of Jihadist Foreign Fighters on Indigenous Secular-Nationalist Causes: Contrasting Chechnya and Syria,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 38, no. 2 (2015): 113–1.

14. Thomas Hegghammer, “Syria’s Foreign Fighters,” Foreign Policy (9 December 2013), available at: https://foreignpolicy.com/2013/12/09/syrias-foreign-fighters/ (accessed November 15, 2018) and; Malet (2015).

15. Daniel H. Heinke and Jan Raudszus, “German Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq,” CTC Sentinel 8, no. 1 (2015): 18–21; and Sean C. Reynolds and Mohammed Hafez, “Social Network Analysis of German Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq,” Terrorism and Political Violence, (2017), advance online publication, doi:10.1080/09546553.2016.1272456.

16. Adrian Shtuni, “Breaking Down the Ethnic Albanian Foreign Fighters Phenomenon,” Soundings: An Interdisciplinary Journal 98, no. 4 (2015):, 460–77.

17. Omer Aslan Necato Anaz and Mehmet Ozkan, “Turkish Foreign Terrorist Fighters and the Emergence of a New Kind of Radicalization,” Turkish Studies 17, no. 4 (2016): 618–42. See also Gunes Murat Tezcur and Sabri Ciftci, “Radical Turks: Why Turkish Citizens are Joining ISIS,” Foreign Affairs Snapshot (11 November 2014), available at: {https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/turkey/2014-11-11/radical-turks (accessed November 12, 2018).

18. Marco Nilsson, “Foreign Fighters and the Radicalization of Local Jihad: Interview Evidence from Swedish Jihadists,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 38, no. 5 (2015): 343–58.

19. Rik Coolsaet, “Facing the Fourth Foreign Fighters Wave: What Drives Europeans to Syria, and to Islamic State? Insights from the Belgian Case,” Egmont Papers – The Royal Institute for International Relations (2016), available at: http://www.egmontinstitute.be/facing-the-fourth-foreign-fighters-wave/ (accessed November 2, 2019).

20. Edwin Bakker and Peter Grol, “Motives and Considerations of Potential Foreign Fighters from the Netherlands,” International Center for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague (2015), available at: https://icct.nl/publication/motives-and-considerations-of-potential-foreign-fighters-from-the-netherlands/ (accessed November 2, 2019).

21. Edwin Bakker and Roel de Bont, “Belgian and Dutch Jihadist Foreign Fighters (2012–2015): Characteristics, Motivations, and Roles in the War in Syria and Iraq,” Small Wars & Insurgencies 27, no. 5 (2016): 837–57.

22. Philip Verwimp, “Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq and the Socio-Economic Environment they Faced at Home: A Comparison of European Countries,” Perspectives on Terrorism 10, no. 2 (2016): 68–81.

23. Brian Fishman and Joseph Felter, “Al-Qa’ida’s Foreign Fighters in Iraq: A First Look at the Sinjar Records,” Military Academy at West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center (2007), available at: https://ctc.usma.edu/al-qaidas-foreign-fighters-in-iraq-a-first-look-at-the-sinjar-records/ (accessed November 2, 2019).

24. Alan Krueger, “The National Origins of Foreign Fighters in Iraq,” Unpublished Manuscript (2006), available at: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.415.1675 (accessed November 2, 2019).

25. Christopher Hewitt and Jessica Kelley-Moore, “Foreign Fighters in Iraq: A Cross-National Analysis of Jihadism,” Terrorism and Political Violence 21, no. 2 (2009): 211–20.

26. For an initial overview, see Arie Perliger and Daniel Milton, “From Cradle to Grave: The Lifecycle of Foreign Fighters in Iraq and Syria,” Military Academy at West Point’s Combating Terrorism Center (2016), available at: https://ctc.usma.edu/from-cradle-to-grave-the-lifecycle-of-foreign-fighters-in-iraq-and-syria/ (accessed November 2, 2019).

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32. Jeffrey M. Paige, Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World (New York: The Free Press, 1975); and James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976).

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35. David A. Snow, “Grievances, Individual and Mobilizing,” in The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements, ed. by David A. Snow, Donatella della Porta, Bert Klandermans, and Doug McAdam (Hoboken: Wiley-Blackwell, 2013), 540–2.

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38. For example, see Humphreys and Weinstein, “Who Fights?”.

39. These objective measures of economic deprivation are derived from the literature and have been used to proxy a population’s feelings of grievances and deprivation without having individual-level data.

40. Émile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1951 [1897]).

41. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (New York: Free Press, 1949).

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46. Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions.

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48. Tarrow (2012).

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50. Tilly (1986); and della Porta (2013).

51. Philip N. Howard and Muzammil M. Hussain, Democracy’s Fourth Wave? Digital Media and the Arab Spring (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).

52. Michael J. Schumacher and Peter J. Schraeder, “Does Domestic Political Instability Foster Terrorism? Global Evidence from the Arab Spring,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism, (2019a), advance online publication. doi:10.1080/1057610X.2018.1538124; Michael J. Schumacher and Peter J. Schraeder, “The Evolving Impact of Violent Non-state Actors on North African Foreign Polices during the Arab Spring: Insurgent Groups, Terrorists and Foreign Fighters,” The Journal of North African Studies, 24:4 (2019b), pp. 682–703.

53. Luther P. Gerlach and Virginia H. Hine, People, Power, Change: Movements of Social Transformation (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1970); Doug McAdam, “Recruitment to High-Risk Activism: The Case of Freedom Summer,” American Journal of Sociology, 92:1 (1986), pp. 64–90; David A. Snow, Louis A. Zurcher, Jr., and Sheldon Ekland-Olson, “Social Networks and Social Movements: A Microstructural Approach to Differential Recruitment,” American Sociological Review, 45:5 (1980), pp.787–801.

54. Ann M. Florini and P.J. Simmons, “What the World Needs Now?” In Ann M. Florini (ed.), The Third Force: The Rise of Transnational Civil Society (Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2000), pp. 1–16; Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973); William B. Swann Jr., Jolanda Jetten, Angel Gomez, Harvey Whitehouse, and Brock Bastian, “When Group Membership Gets Personal: A Theory of Identity Fusion,” Psychological Review, 119:3 (2012), p. 441.

55. della Porta (2013); and Reynolds and Hafez (2017).

56. Doug McAdam and Ronnelle Paulsen, “Specifying the Relationship between Social Ties and Activism,” American Journal of Sociology, 99:3 (1993), p. 644.

57. Arie Perliger and Ami Pedahzur, “Social Network Analysis in the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence,” PS: Political Science & Politics 44, no. 1 (2011): 45–50; Robert T. Wood, “The Straightedge Youth Sub-Culture: Observations on the Complexity of Sub-Cultural Identity,” Journal of Youth Studies 6, no. 1 (2003): 33–52; and Deborah J. Yashar, Contesting Citizenship in Latin America: The Rise of Indigenous Movements and the Postliberal Challenge (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

58. Swann Jr. (2012).

59. Tilly (2002).

60. For example, see Malet (2013).

61. Mendelsohn (2011).

62. Malet (2015).

63. The ICSR estimates are set out in Peter R. Neumann, “Foreign Fighter Total in Syria/Iraq now Exceeds 20,000; Surpasses Afghanistan Conflict in the 1980s,” International Center for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (26 January 2015), https://icsr.info/2015/01/26/foreign-fighter-total-syriairaq-now-exceeds-20000-surpasses-afghanistan-conflict-1980s/ (accessed June 1, 2018); and Aaron Zelin, “ICSR Insight: Up to 11,000 Foreign Fighters in Syria; Steep Rise among Western Europeans,” The International Center for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (17 December 2013), https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/up-to-11000-foreign-fighters-in-syria-steep-rise-among-western-europeans (accessed June 1, 2018).

64. The Soufan Group estimates are set out in Richard Barrett, “Foreign Fighters in Syria,” The Soufan Group (2 June 2014), http://www.soufangroup.com/foreign-fighters-in-syria/ (accessed June 1, 2018); The Soufan Group, “Foreign Fighters: An Updated Assessment of the Flow of Foreign Fighters into Syria and Iraq,” The Soufan Group (2 December 2015), http://soufangroup.com/wpcontent/uploads/2015/12/TSG_ForeignFightersUpdate_FINAL3.pdf} (accessed June 1, 2018); and The Soufan Group, “Beyond the Caliphate: Foreign Fighters and the Threat of Returnees,” The Soufan Group (31 October 2017), https://thesoufancenter.org/research/beyond-caliphate/ (accessed October 1, 2019).

65. Andreas Freytag, Jens J. Kruger, Daniel Meierrieks, and Friedrich Schneider, “The Origins of Terrorism: Cross-Country Estimates of Socioeconomic Determinants of Terrorism,” European Journal of Political Economy 27, no. 1 (2011): S5-16.

66. The World Bank, “GNI per capita, PPP,” The World Bank (2017a), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GNP.PCAP.PP.CD (accessed June 1, 2018).

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68. The World Bank, “Unemployment, total (% of total labor force),” The World Bank (2017c), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.UEM.TOTL.ZS} (accessed June 1, 2018).

69. Scott Gates and Sukanya Podder, “Social Media, Recruitment, Allegiance and the Islamic State,” Perspectives on Terrorism 9, no. 4 (2015): 107–16; Matthew A. Gentzkow and Jesse M. Shapiro, “Media, Education, and Anti-Americanism in the Muslim World,” Journal of Economic Perspective 18, no. 3 (2003): 117–33; and Krieger and Meierrieks (2011).

70. UNDP (2016).

71. Michael Freeman, “Democracy, al-Qaeda, and the Causes of Terrorism: A Strategic Analysis of U.S. Policy,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 31, no. 1 (2008): 40–59; Burcu Savun and Brian J. Phillips, “Democracy, Foreign Policy, and Terrorism,” Journal of Conflict Resolution 53, no. 6 (2009): 878–904.

72. Monty G. Marshall, Ted R. Gurr, and Keith Jaggers, “Polity IV Project: Political Regime Characteristics and Transitions, 1800–2017 (dataset),” Center for Systemic Peace (2017), http://www.systemicpeace.org/inscrdata.html (accessed June 1, 2018).

73. Nauro F. Campos and Martin Gassebner, “International Terrorism, Domestic Political Instability, and the Escalation Effect,” Economics & Politics 25, no. 1 (2013): 27–47.

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75. Lisa Blaydes and Drew A. Linzer, “Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World,” American Political Science Review 106, no. 2 (2012): 225–43; and Amaney A. Jamal, Robert Keohane, David Romney, and Dustin Tingley, “Anti-Americanism and Anti-Interventionism in Arabic Twitter Discourses,” Perspectives on Politics 13, no. 1 (2015): 55–73.

76. Jytte Klausen, “Tweeting the Jihad: Social Media Networks of Western Foreign Fighters in Syria and Iraq,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 38, no. 1 (2015): 1–22.

77. The World Bank, “Internet users (per 100 people),” The World Bank (2017b), https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.NET.BBND.P2 (accessed June 1, 2018).

78. Hegghammer (2010); Abdelaziz Testas, “Determinants of Terrorism in the Muslim World: An Empirical Cross-sectional Analysis,” Terrorism and Political Violence 16, no. 2 (2010): 253–73.

79. Pew Research Center, “Religious diversity index scores by country (2010),” Pew Research Center (2014), http://www.pewforum.org/2014/04/04/religious-diversity-index-scores-by-country/ (accessed June 1, 2018).

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82. The countries labeled as 0 would include Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iran, and Turkey.

83. Paul D. Allison and Richard P. Waterman, “Fixed-Effects Negative Binomial Regression Models,” Sociological Methodology, 32, no. 1 (2002): 247–65; and Gary King, “Variance Specification in Event Count Models: From Restrictive Assumptions to a Generalized Estimator,” American Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (1989): 762–84.

84. Hegghammer (2013).

85. Martin Chulov, “‘The Best Employee We Ever Had’: Mohammed Emwazi’s Former Boss in Kuwait,” The Guardian (2 March 2015), https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/01/mohammed-emwazi-best-employee-we-ever-had-former-boss-kuwaiti-it-firm (accessed February 2, 2019).

86. See Benmelech and Klor (2018) and Pokalova (2019).

87. Meirav Mishali-Ram, “Foreign Fighters and Transnational Jihad in Syria,” Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 41, no. 3 (2018): 185.

88. See the recent book-length study: Diego Gambetta and Steffen Hertog, Engineers of Jihad: The Curious Connection between Violent Extremism and Education (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).

89. Schumacher and Schraeder (2019a; 2019b).

90. Geoffrey Macdonald and Luke Wagoner, “Dashed Hopes and Extremism in Tunisia,” Journal of Democracy 29, no. 1 (2018): 126–140.

91. David Malet, “The Foreign fighter Project,” (2016), http://davidmalet.com/The_Foreign_Fighter_Project.php (accessed June 1, 2018).

Additional information

Funding

Research for this project was partially funded by a State Department grant, State Department Linkage Grant # S-4480T-11-GR-055.

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