ABSTRACT
Intersectionality was developed by legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in the late 1980s to broaden legal and epistemological frameworks for peoples at the intersection of multiple oppressions, such as racism and sexism. The theory has since proliferated and grown across many international academic and public contexts. This article examines intersectionality in Crenshaw’s original formulation to argue for theoretical and political insights when intersectionality is applied to the multiply minoritized position of Sikhs in the US and India. I argue for six theoretical formations that can illuminate what I term intersectional Sikhism: intragroup solidarity, intergroup alliances, postsecularism, untranslatability, precarity, and intellectual intersectionality.
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Acknowledgments
This article began as a paper I delivered at the 2017 UC Riverside conference, “Sikhs and South Asians in the Public Sphere: Precarious Minorities and the New Global Politics of Religion.” I am honoured to have been invited to present by Arvind-Pal Mandair and Paushara Singh, and am profoundly indebted to all of my fellow participants, particularly Anneeth Kaur Hundle and Seema Sohi, for their generous feedback. For their comments and support throughout earlier drafts of this article, I thank the anonymous referees, Dean J. Kotlowski, Roselyn Lemus, and Bob Zwicker. Research toward this article was supported by a Salisbury University Faculty Mini-Grant and conducted as a Visiting Scholar at the Sri Aurobindo Ashram Archives and Research Library in Pondicherry, India.
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No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
3 See Ahluwalia and Alimchandani (Citation2012), Ahluwalia, Singh, and Walo-Roberts (Citation2015), Behl (Citation2011), Behl (Citation2014), Brar (Citation2013), Hundle (Citation2017), Jakobsh (Citation2014), Maan (Citation2005), Mahalingam (Citation2012), Mahalingam and Rabelo (Citation2013), Reimer-Kirkham (Citation2009), Shirodkar (Citation2015), Sidhu et al. (Citation2016), and Virdi (Citation2013).
23 There have been numerous influences on Crenshaw’s work. For scholarship on critical race theory see, for example, Barnes (Citation1990), Calmore (Citation1992), Crenshaw (Citation1988), Gotanda (Citation1991), Matsuda (Citation1987, Citation1989a, Citation1989b, Citation1991), Torres (Citation1991), Williams (Citation1991), and Wing (Citation1990). For scholarship on the interactions between race and gender in legal contexts (including Black feminist legal theory), see, for example, Austin (Citation1989), Caldwell (Citation1991), Harris (Citation1990), Kline (Citation1989), Scales-Trent (Citation1989), Smith (Citation1991), and Winston (Citation1991). For scholarship on the connections between race and gender in contexts other than the law (including Black feminism), see, for example, Beal (Citation1970), Cheung (Citation1990), Collins (Citation1990), Combahee River Collective (Citation1982), Cooper (Citation1988), Davis (Citation1981), hooks (Citation1981), King (Citation1988), Lewis (Citation1977), Lorde (Citation1984), Palmer (Citation1983), Spelman (Citation1988), and Spillers (Citation1987). In 1851, the enslaved woman Sojourner Truth spoke at the Women's Rights Convention in Akron, Ohio. Her speech, which features the phrase ‘Ain't I a woman?’ (as a rejoinder to both white men and white women), is viewed as a precursor to contemporary work on Black feminism and intersectionality (Brah and Phoenix Citation2004, 76-78).
40 I use the terms ‘Black’ and ‘Blackness’ to echo Crenshaw’s use of these terms in this context and in this article.
49 Hart (Citation2017), 564. See also Aisha Beliso-De Jesús's argument for an ‘activist-oriented decolonial stance,' one that ‘draws on the relationality, conflict, tension, power, and politics of studying racialized religious and spiritual subjects' (Beliso-De Jesús Citation2018, 312).
55 Anti-Muslim sentiment, discrimination, stereotyping, and violence of course did not begin with 9/11. Precursors include the stereotyping of Muslims and the Middle East as a result of tensions in the Middle East in the 1970s and 1980s, the Persian Gulf War of 1990–1991, the Oklahoma City bombing in 1985, and the explosion of TWA Flight 800 in 1986. To use an even broader historical context, each of these incidents emerges from and perpetuates what Edward Said termed ‘orientalism,’ as the stereotyping of the (non-western) ‘Orient’ as a place of primitiveness, depravity, backwardness, and civilizational inferiority. See Said (Citation1978).
63 Ratti (Citation2013), p. xvii to p. 31; for a focus on Sikhism, see p. 119 to p. 139. See also Ratti (Citation2019). The postsecularism I theorize exists at the intersections of political secularism, philosophical secularism, and religious thought and practice. These intersections are explored within literary space by writers writing under the political edges of postcoloniality, diaspora, nationalism, and majoritarianism. Their literary postsecular searches are individualistic, experimental, and risky as they gesture toward thought and practice that paradoxically combine the best aspects of religion and political secularism. To capture some of the paradoxes of postsecularism, I found the language of deconstruction helpful, as in Derrida’s description of messianicity as an ‘opening to the future […] but without horizon of expectation and without prophetic figuration’ (Derrida Citation2002, 56). I describe postsecular moments in literature as requiring an immense imaginative manoeuvre, moments and decisions that are ‘made out of human decisions and human risks, without the fixity of the nation-state. Such moments will not result in immediate juridico-legal change, but they can gesture to an epistemic change, which is unpredictable, and the trajectories of which are unknown’ (Ratti Citation2013, xxiii). I believe the language of intersectionality similarly involves courageous imaginative manoeuvres. The manoeuvres of intersectionality can spur epistemic change, and can gesture to and recognize dynamic becomings whose trajectories we cannot as yet know. These gestures are driven, as in postsecular literary writing, by a kind of ‘faith.’ For intersectionality, it is a faith in justice that moves words and theories into action (see Crenshaw Citation2015).
66 See Jakobsh and Walton-Roberts (Citation2016) for an analysis of how the Sikh concept of miri piri (the inseparability and mutuality of the spiritual and political) has successfully informed Sikh social activism for other groups (including minoritized ones) in Canada. See Singh (Citation2013) for a critique of the limits and potential of charhdi kala (perpetual optimism) for political engagement.
71 Consider Gandhi’s argument that ‘all reforms owe their origin to the initiation of minorities in opposition to majorities’ (Citation1997, 82).
73 Ibid., 34. Italics original.
76 See Said (Citation1978), esp. xv–49; 59–73; 201–225; and the Afterword.
77 See Needham and Sunder Rajan (Citation2007), especially the Introduction.
79 Ibid., 429. Butler’s text states ‘violences’. See Butler (Citation2000), 37.
92 See Hillman (Citation2004) for an argument on humanity’s instinctive propensity for violence and war. In his essay ‘The Fact of Blackness,’ Fanon (Citation1986) describes the unfolding and violence of dehumanization through the mutually constructed and inseparable categories of whiteness and blackness.
102 Puar (Citation2011). All of the criticisms of intersectionality by Puar that I present in this paragraph are from this source.
104 For the mutations of racism into proliferating neoliberal forms, see Goldberg (Citation2008), and for its mutations under the guise of race-neutral positions, see Rose (Citation2013).
105 See Bilge (Citation2013) for the ways in which a specific academic feminist discourse, within a neoliberal context, attempts to depoliticize and neutralize intersectionality’s focus on social justice.
107 These examples of discursive representation are of course abundant on university campuses. In a recent interview, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak discusses the corporatization of universities and the strategies they use to mask that corporatization. Building on her argument that ‘[g]lobalization takes place only in capital and data. Everything else is damage control’ (Citation2013, 1), Spivak argues that universities are corporations that globalize capital and data, with their damage control – including the language and optics of diversity – consisting of ‘mak[ing] the workings of capital acceptable’ (Centro de Estudos Sociais Citation2018, 16:20–20:23). That is to say, ‘you have to present corporatization as a jolly thing’ (Centro de Estudos Sociais Citation2018, 16:20–20:23). In this context, intersectionality’s co-optation and depoliticization by neoliberalism is all too apparent.
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