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ABSTRACT
This work addresses the question of the intended audience of the Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm, the famous Andalusi treatise on magic, better known by its Latin moniker, Picatrix. I propose that a substantial portion of the Ghāya's readers were scribes, or kuttāb, in the tenth-century caliphate of Cordova. Many of these scribes were considered udabāʾ; that is, those who possessed adab, an elusive yet ubiquitous term in Islamic culture. The concept of adab, scribal culture, and magic traveled to al-Andalus in similar ways and at similar times, and they reached their apex in two figures: Ibn Rabbih and al-Qurṭubī. I argue that, in the Ghāya's spells and rituals, these kuttāb and udabāʾ could find not only a shortcut to acquire abilities vital to their work but also more dubious ways to promote themselves in a difficult political environment. Further, I show that sections of the Ghāya potentially allowed these officials to establish contact with the “supreme scribe,” the personified planet Mercury, who is closely related to the mythical sage Hermes Trismegistus.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).
Notes
1 I am very grateful for the helpful comments provided by the anonymous reviewers of this article.
2 On the authorship of the book, attributed for a long time to Maslama al-Majrīṭī, see the groundbreaking study by Fierro, “Bāṭinism in al-Andalus,” to which I will return later.
3 Kieckhefer, Magic in the Middle Ages, 151–75.
4 On the problems of astrolatry for the Islamic faith, see Saif, The Arabic Influences, 22–26.
5 See, for instance, Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 384–85, who also reminds us (380–83) that the Umayyads presented themselves as defenders of this orthodoxy, and due to this the ʿulamāʾ supported and upheld their legitimacy.
6 See, for instance, Lory, “Hermès/Idris,” 100–01.
7 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 16.
8 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 18.
9 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 17.
10 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 23.
11 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 23.
12 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 23.
13 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 23.
14 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 25.
15 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 25.
16 I understand courtliness as the manifestation of the courtly spirit in the social and cultural behavior of those living in European courts after the twelfth century. See Martínez, El humanismo medieval, 160–61.
17 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 24.
18 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 24.
19 Pingree, “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix II,” 45.
20 Pingree, “Some of the Sources of the Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm,” and “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix I;” Burnett and Pingree, “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix II.” Burnett discovered this among Pingree's papers after his death and published it, along with an explanatory preface, under both their names.
21 Pingree, “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix I,” 37–38.
22 Burnett and Pingree, “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix II,” 45–47.
23 Burnett and Pingree, “Between the Ghāya and the Picatrix II,” 41.
24 From the translation by Attrell and Porreca, Picatrix, 273–78.
25 Some of the greatest specialists in Islamic studies have dealt with this term; see Hodgson, Classical Age of Islam, 444–72; Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 250–57; Rosenthal, Knowledge Triumphant, 240–77; Gutas, “Classical Arabic Wisdom Literature.” Other authors are discussed below.
26 See a discussion in Bonebakker, “Adab and the Concept of Belles-Lettres.”
27 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 251; Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 481; Soravia, “De nuevo sobre el adab,” 335.
28 Khalidi, Arabic Historical Thought, 83; Bonebakker, “Adab and the Concept of Belles-Lettres,” 26.
29 See especially Kraemer, “Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam;” Makdisi, Rise of Humanism. For a comparison with European humanism, see Kristeller, Renaissance Thought, 21–32.
30 On the ancient concept of adab as ancestral custom related to sunnah (customary practice), see also Nallino, La littérature arabe, 7–28.
31 Pellat, “ADAB.” See also Bonebakker, “Adab and the Concept of Belles-Lettres,” 17.
32 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 250.
33 Bonebakker, “Adab and the Concept of Belles-Lettres,” 24.
34 Toral-Niehoff, “Book of the Pearl,” 134.
35 Hodgson, Classical Age, 451.
36 Marlow, “Advice and Advice Literature.”
37 Pellat, “ADAB.”
38 Hogdson, Classical Age, 445.
39 Kraemer, “Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam,” 156.
40 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 252.
41 Hodgson, Classical Age, 252.
42 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 252.
43 For clarification, see Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 477.
44 Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 479.
45 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 22–23.
46 See Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 480.
47 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 418. For a special issue dedicated to adab in al-Andalus, see Soravia, De nuevo sobre el adab.
48 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 432.
49 In this connection, Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 253–54, sees a similar trend during the Sasanian era in relation to the literarization of all educational matter, in adab's propensity for miscellaneous learning, and in treating all sorts of knowledge (foods and drinks, clothing and etiquette, etc.) as “full-fledged fields of study.” On Hermes in Sasanian Persia, see Van Bladel, Arabic Hermes, 23–63.
50 Khaleghi-Motlagh explains their crucial role in the development of Arab adab, see “ADAB.”
51 The reforms of ʿAbd al-Malik (r. 685–705) required the kuttāb of Persian descent to write in Arabic, so ʿAbd al-Ḥamīd urged his fellow scribes to learn Arabic poetry as well as both Arab and non-Arab lore so as “to make themselves the bearers of all available cultural traditions;” see Bray, “Arabic Literature,” 385.
52 Bray, “Arabic Literature,” 385.
53 So defined by Van Bladel, Arabic Hermes and studied by Burnett, “Le Picatrix à l’Institut Warburg,” and “Nīranj.” These books (for instance, the Kitāb al-Isṭamākhīs, quoted in the Ghāya) collect the alleged teachings from Aristotle to Alexander according to Hermes's wisdom. For the most recent and complete study of this tradition, see Saif, “A Preliminary Study.”
54 As Soravia, “Les manuels” 434, reminds us, a common element of the pedagogy used to train the kātib was the “secret” that he is responsible for keeping, which is not so far away from other esoteric languages.
55 Modern scholarship thinks that the Sirr al-Asrār was written in Arabic in the tenth century, and then translated into Latin and Castilian in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries under the titles Secretum secretorum and Poridat de las poridades, respectively. See Ramón Guerrero, “El Pseudo-Aristóteles árabe,” 1037-51.
56 Kraemer, “Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam,” 56.
57 Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 481.
58 Bray, “Arabic Literature,” 386.
59 Latham, “Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 48.
60 As defended by Martínez, El humanismo medieval, 176–84, whose main points I share and will develop in future works.
61 This will be the basis of my next project.
62 Latham, “Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 57.
63 Latham, “Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 57.
64 Latham, “Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 61.
65 Latham, “Ibn al-Muqaffaʿ,” 59–60.
66 Attrell and Porreca, “Introduction,” 17.
67 Pellat, “ADAB.”
68 Bray, “Arabic Literature,” 389.
69 Pellat, “ADAB.”
70 Pellat, “ADAB.”
71 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 427.
72 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 426.
73 Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 167.
74 Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 167.
75 See Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature.” For the process of the “orientalization” of al-Andalus, the standard study is by Makkī, Ensayo sobre las aportaciones orientales.
76 Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 171. From then on, most Andalusi poets and prose writers were part of the kitāba, something which influenced their style. Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 166–67.
77 See Forcada, “Astronomy, Astrology.”
78 For a brilliant study of this transformation's consequences, see Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate.
79 Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 112.
80 Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 177, for the great replacement of 941, when all appointed chiefs of the wizāra and kitāba were dismissed because “the Caliph was unhappy with their performance.”
81 Soravia, “Entre bureaucratie et littérature,” 177.
82 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 433.
83 On this author, see especially Haremska, “Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi.”
84 Toral-Niehoff, “Book of the Pearl,” 135. Mawlā and its plural mawālī can have different nuances in different epochs and countries. The mawālī during the Umayyad period in Cordova can be understood “as an aristocracy composed by families related to the Umayyads by different ties;” see Fierro “Mawālī and Muwalladūn in Al-Andalus,” 217.
85 Toral-Niehoff, “Book of the Pearl,” 135.
86 Toral-Niehoff, “Book of the Pearl,” 135.
87 Haremska, “Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi,” 620.
88 Toral-Niehoff, “Writing for the Caliphate,” 81.
89 Santás de Arcos, “La segunda perla incomparable,” 23.
90 Haremska, “Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi,” 625.
91 Haremska, “Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi,” 626.
92 In Callataÿ and Moureau, “Towards the Critical,” 386.
93 For her detailed arguments, as well as al-Qurṭubī's biographical data, see Fierro, “Bāṭinism in al-Andalus.”
94 As Fierro, “Mawālī and Muwalladūn in Al-Andalus,” 239, reminds us, “the Muwalladūn were Arabized indigenous inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula, whose Islamization came about as a result of that Arabization.”
95 For the details of this transformative riḥla (trip), see Callataÿ and Moureau, “A Milestone.”
96 Callataÿ and Moureau, “Towards the Critical,” 386.
97 Callataÿ, “Encyclopaedism on the Fringe,” 21.
98 Ghāya IV.5, 334. I have introduced slight variations to the translation of this passage in Callataÿ, “Encyclopaedism on the Fringe,” 138.
99 Callataÿ is now preparing a translation and critical edition of the Rutbat al-Ḥakīm. For a recent edition of the Arabic original, see Madelung, The Book of the Rank of the Sage.
100 From the pioneering investigations about the Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm by Reinhart Dozy and Michael Jan De Goeje in 1885 to the symposium on “Picatrix entre Orient et Occident” held in Paris in 2007, Maslama al-Qurṭubī has drawn wide-ranging interest from researchers, especially Hellmut Ritter, Martin Plessner, and David Pingree, editors of the Arabic text and of its Latin adaptation. See a comprehensive summary of the research on Picatrix in Burnett, “Le Picatrix à l’Institut Warburg,” included in the proceedings of the Paris symposium.
101 Burnett, “Nīranj.”
102 Fierro, “Bāṭinism in al-Andalus,” 84.
103 Ghāya III. 5, 182.
104 On the sources and intellectual background of the Ghāya, see Pingree, “Some of the Sources of the Ghāyat Al-Hakīm;” Saif, The Arabic Influences, 27–45, and “From Ġāyat Al-Ḥakīm,” 299–309; Burnett, “Ṭhābit ibn Qurra,” 13–18, and “Nīranj.”
105 In the Works Cited below, see Marquet and Callataÿ on this tradition and its relationship with the Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm. For a complete and recent bibliography, see Callataÿ, “Magia en al-Andalus.”
106 Important philosophers and scientists came from Ḥarrān, such as Thābit b. Qurra, who is quoted in the Ghāya. On the Ḥarrānians, see the comprehensive study of Green, City of the Moon God. Van Bladel, Arabic Hermes, 64–118, questions the Ḥarrānian origin of many Arab Hermetic sources, including those who relate them to Sabaean traditions, and he goes against the opinion of Arabists such as Pingree. However, a large number of references to Ḥarrān and the Sabaeans that are related to Hermetic materials go unmentioned by Van Bladel, such as some in the Ghāya and other Andalusi works.
107 On Abū Maʿshar, see the editions of his books by Pingree, Thousands; Burnett et al., The Abbreviation of the Introduction to Astrology; Yamamoto, Burnett, and Pingree, The Great Introduction to Astrology.
108 As reconstructed by Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate.
109 Toral-Niehoff, “Writing for the Caliphate,” 82. As Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 45, explains, in Cordova, court poets educated in adab (as Ibn ʿAbd Rabbihi himself was) were active promoters of “official” ideology who “celebrated the caliphs on special occasions and developed and projected the themes of their legitimacy in the most overt language and emphatic manner.”
110 Toral-Niehoff, “Writing for the Caliphate,” 90.
111 In words of Callataÿ, “Encyclopaedism on the Fringe,” 21.
112 Ghāya III. 5, 182.
113 Acién, “Materiales e hipótesis,” 188–91.
114 Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 127–28.
115 See Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 126.
116 See Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 135.
117 For a brief introduction to Ibn Masarra and a basic bibliography, see Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 135.
118 Fierro “Bāṭinism in al-Andalus,” 102–08.
119 Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 138.
120 Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 139.
121 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 95.
122 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 96.
123 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 96.
124 Fierro, “Plants, Mary the Copt,” 128–30.
125 Fierro “Bāṭinism in al-Andalus,” 97–102.
126 Plessner, “Summary,” lxvii.
127 Ghāya II.3. All translations from the Ghāyat al-Ḥakīm use the Arabic edition by Ritter. I indicate the book, chapter, and page number. Ritter entitled his work Picatrix: Das Ziel des Weisen (the Latin name plus the Arabic one translated into German), because the Latin translation of the treatise was better known. I introduce some transliterated Arabic terms with the translation in parenthesis, either because they are relevant for my analysis or because their English translation does not completely reflect the concept in Arabic (e.g., adab). I also use the helpful English summary of the Ghāya added by Plessner to his German translation based on Ritter's edition of the Arabic text. Saif is working on an eagerly awaited new edition with an English translation of the Ghāya based on numerous manuscripts not used by Ritter.
128 Ghāya II.3, 68.
129 Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 480.
130 García Avilés, “Mercurio,” 400.
131 García Avilés, “Mercurio,” 400. See also Saxl, “Beiträge zu einer Geschichte.”
132 In astrology, aspect refers to the angle formed (or distance between) any two planets and zodiac signs, as well as other relationships of astrological interest (ascendant, descendant, etc.).
133 Ghāya II.3, 76.
134 Lettinck, “Science in Adab Literature,” 151.
135 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 253. See also Soravia, “Les manuels,” 422.
136 On the history of ancient astrology, see the classic study of Cumont, Astrology and Religion. For more recent approaches, see Tester, A History of Western Astrology; Hegedus, Early Christianity and Ancient Astrology.
137 García Avilés, “Mercurio,” 400.
138 Van den Broek, “Hermes Trismegistus,” 474–75.
139 Van den Broek, “Hermes Trismegistus,” 45.
140 Bull, “Introduction,” 20. On the origins of Hermetism and its foundational writings, see also Fowden, The Egyptian Hermes, 13–44; Copenhaver, Hermetica, xiii–lix.
141 Robinson, “Education,” 500. I have underway a study that explains how Alfonso X of Castile associated these two divisions with the Western trivium and quadrivium, and then both with Mercury.
142 Ghāya II.3, 77.
143 Boyle and Woodard, “Introduction,” 343.
144 Hodgson, Classical Age, 444.
145 Hodgson, Classical Age, 452.
146 Encyclopedia Britannica, “Idrīs.”
147 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 74–75. For a description of the different fine crafts sponsored by the caliphate, see Manzano Moreno, Conquistadores, emires y califas, 444–51; Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” 429–30.
148 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 79.
149 Ghāya II.11, 124.
150 A decan is the ten-degree division in the thirty degrees of every astrological sign; they originated in Egypt.
151 Ghāya II.12, 134.
152 Ghāya II.12, 135.
153 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxvii.
154 To translate this concept, I also used the Latin Picatrix, which renders al-hayʾa w-al-qaḍāʾ as astronomiam cum suis iudiciis; Pingree, Picatrix, 3.1.8, 94. Attrell and Porreca fittingly translate the Latin as “astronomy with its processes;” Picatrix, 3.1.8, 134.
155 Ghāya III.1, 154.
156 Lettinck, “Science in Adab Literature,” 151.
157 Van den Broek, “Hermes Trismegistus,” 476.
158 Ghāya IV, 3, 309–10; in Picatrix, 4.3.1; Pingree, 188–89 (Latin); Attrell and Porreca, 233 (English).
159 Boyle and Woodard, “Introduction,” 343.
160 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 429.
161 Makdisi, Rise of Humanism, 137. See also Al-‘Allaoui and Burési, “La chancellerie almohade,” 480–81.
162 Robinson, “Education,” 502.
163 Ghāya III.1, 154.
164 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 98.
165 See Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 95.
166 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 105.
167 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 73.
168 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 70.
169 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxx.
170 Ghāya III.7, 195.
171 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxx.
172 Pingree, “Al-Ṭabarī on the Prayers,” 105–06.
173 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxx.
174 Ghāya III.7, 197.
175 Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” 428–29.
176 On the complex and variegated tax system in the Cordovan caliphate, see Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 61–67.
177 Muqtabis V corresponds to the years 912–942, which span ‘Abd al-Raḥmān III's emirate (912–929) and then caliphate (929–961), and the preserved fragment of Muqtabis VII corresponds to the years 971–975 during the caliphate of his successor, al-Ḥakam II (961–973). On the basis of these sources, see Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” for the standard study of the Cordovan caliphate's public ceremonies and receptions and the court ranks displayed during them. For a meticulous analysis of and commentary on Muqtabis VII, see Manzano Moreno, La corte del Califa, 269–95, for a study on the celebrations and rituals of the caliphate. See also Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 85–89.
178 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 272. See also Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” 442–43.
179 Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” 234.
180 Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph” 434.
181 Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph” 434.
182 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 108.
183 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 265. On wise women in al-Andalus, see Ávila, “Las mujeres ‘sabias’ en al-Andalus.”
184 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 102.
185 Pingree, “Al-Ṭabarī on the Prayers,” 107.
186 Matheseos III, VII, 1–28; see Firmicus Maternus, Ancient Astrology, 99–103. Translation from Latin by Bram, available online at https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Firmicus_Maternus/home.html
187 Bull, “Introduction,” 183.
188 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxx.
189 Ghāya III.7, 201.
190 Ghāya III.7, 201.
191 Ghāya III.7, 201.
192 Plessner, “Introduction,” lxx.
193 Ghāya III.7, 221.
194 On the iconographical tradition of Mercury as a scribe, see García Avilés, “Ministers for a Wise King,” 165, 168-71.
195 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 70. On garments and clothes in Cordova, see García Gómez, “Tejidos, ropas y tapiceria.”
196 On rings in the premodern Iberia, see Labarta, Anillos de la península ibérica.
197 See Principe, The Secrets of Alchemy, 30–33. As Principe (31) explains, even though there are scanty references from the Hellenistic period on the relationship between Hermes and alchemy—the famous alchemist Zosimos (beginning of the fourth century CE) cites him as an authority— “by the tenth century in the Islamic world, Hermes had grown into the founder of alchemy, a native of Babylon, and the author of a dozen, more-or-less alchemical works.” On the solidification or “coagulation” of Mercury in the Arabic alchemical literature, such as Jābir ibn Ḥayyān (one of the Ghāya's sources), see Principe, The Secrets of Alchemy, 35–36.
198 Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 74.
199 Barceló, “The Manifest Caliph,” 442.
200 Soravia, “Les manuels,” 428–29.
201 Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 70.
202 Ghāya III.7, 221–22.
203 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 251.
204 Makdisi, Rise of Humanism, 112.
205 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 251.
206 Robinson, “Education,” 503. See a thorough explanation of adab and history in Toral-Niehoff, “History in Adab Context.”
207 Grunebaum, Medieval Islam, 252.
208 Bray, “Arabic Literature,” 403.
209 Ghāya III.7, 222.
210 Pingree, “Al-Ṭabarī on the Prayers,” 107, sees a Sabaean origin for these names, rather than from al-Ṭabarī's book, although he also says that this section combines different sources, some of them unknown.
211 In the Ghāya, this word refers to the spiritual force of the planets invoked. To understand how Arab astrological magic worked, see Saif, The Arabic Influences, 27–45. On the rūḥāniyyāt, see Saif, “A Preliminary Study,” 60–63.
212 Ghāya III.7, 222.
213 Safran, Second Umayyad Caliphate, 86.
214 Ghāya III.7, 222–23.
215 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 61–67.
216 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 79.
217 In the tenth century this word referred to the centralized power embodied by the caliph, but the concept went beyond his person; see Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 93.
218 Manzano Moreno, La corte del califa, 119.
219 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 102.
220 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 102.
221 Ghāya III.7, 223.
222 Marín, “Altos funcionarios para el califa,” 102.
223 Ghāya III.7.196. I provide just one example for each of these activities.
224 Ghāya III.7, 221.
225 Ghāya III.7, 226.
226 Ghāya I. 3, 77–78.
227 See recently Attrell, “Honoring the Outermost,” on Saturn in the Picatrix and later traditions.
228 Such as the pseudo-Aristotelian Hermetica, as we have seen.
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Juan Udaondo Alegre
Juan Udaondo Alegre I received my first Ph.D. in Literature and Education from the University of La Coruña and the second one in Spanish Literature from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Currently I am an assistant professor of Spanish at the Pennsylvania State University. My research explores the intersection of medieval and early modern Spanish literature, philosophy, science, and culture. I am preparing a monograph focused on Hermes Trismegistus, and how he came to be seen as a cultural mediator for learned men of different religious traditions in medieval Iberia. I have also authored publications on Spanish Golden Age theatre and playwrights such as Lope de Vega and Calderón de la Barca. My latest published paper is “Comedia palatina y límites genéricos: El perro del hortelano en su contexto mediterráneo,” Hispanic Review 89, no. 1 (2021): 45-68.