Staging the Zimbabwean ‘revolution’: ‘Carnivalising’ the November 2017 demonstration

Abstract

In this account, I deploy Mikhail Bhakhtin’s concept of the carnival to frame the November 2017 demonstrations in Harare, Zimbabwe, that led to the resignation of former president Robert Mugabe as a carnivalesque or ‘theatrical’ performance. I examine the spatial and theatrical characteristics of this carnivalesque demonstration, highlighting how it created a special form of free and familiar contact among people divided by political, professional and class barriers. Methodologically, I draw from my personal recollections, video recording and photographs in the public domain, the particular spectacular performative that characterize this demonstration as a performance, to historically reconstruct the performance. I submit that these public performances, which mainly took part on the main streets of Harare, challenged and allowed demonstrators to performatively subvert all forms of social (and political) privilege and governmentality. I conclude that through disrupting governmentality and constituting a horizon of meaning and expectation, the performer-demonstrators claimed back their spatial agency, determining and choosing how they democratically used the public space in these urban centres and simultaneously, Zimbabwe’s political landscape.

Dans ce récit je développe le concept du carnaval de Mikhail Bhakhtin pour encadrer les manifestations de novembre 2017 à Harare, au Zimbabwe, qui ont entraîné la démission de l’ancien président Robert Mugabe en tant que réalisation carnavalesque ou ‘théâtrale’. J’examine les caractéristiques spatiales et théâtrales de cette manifestation carnavalesque, et souligne en quoi elle a créé une forme spéciale de contact libre et familier entre les personnes séparées par des barrières politiques, professionnelles et de classe. Je tire méthodologiquement de mes souvenirs personnels, d’enregistrements vidéo et de photos dans le domaine public, les performances particulièrement spectaculaires caractéristiques du caractère théâtral de cette manifestation, pour reconstituer historiquement la performance. Je suggère que ces performances publiques ayant eu lieu principalement dans les rues principales de Harare, ont constitué un défi pour et permis aux manifestants de subvertir toutes les formes de privilège social (et politique) et de gouvernementalité. Je conclus qu’à travers la disruption de la gouvernementalité et la constitution d’un horizon porteur de sens et d’attente, les manifestants acteurs se sont réapproprié leur agencement spatial, en déterminant et en choisissant comment ils utilisaient démocratiquement l’espace public de ces centres urbains et, dans un même temps, le paysage politique du Zimbabwe.

Keywords:

• carnival
• demonstrations
• demonstrators
• governmentality
• agency

Mots clés:

• carnaval
• manifestations
• manifestants
• gouvernementalité
• agence

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Born frees refer to the younger generation born after Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980. This is the demographic group that has the highest population percentage, yet it is apathetic towards critical political and governance processes and activities. Ideologically and culturally, this group has been accused by the ruling ZANU-PF as bankrupt and in need of political immersive training.

2 Founded by Pastor Evan Mawariri, The #ThisFlag movement emerged out of his frustration and venting at Zimbabwe’s socio-political and democratic landscape on Facebook. Following huge support from Zimbabweans, both locally and in the diaspora, Mawarire initiated a seven (7)-day challenge calling on Zimbabweans to express and share their dreams, ideas and fears. The movement that emerged from Mawarire’s rant and the subsequent 7-day challenge raised three key issues that anchored the movement: (i) the flag, nationalism and an identity in crisis; (ii) the continuing crisis as the citizens’ grievance, (iii) the liberation struggle and the state (Nenjerama 2020, 72). Central to the #ThisFlag movement message is the relationship between the flag-as-a-national representatum, and citizens-as-a-nation represented by the flag (Nenjerama 2020). Gukurume (2017) submits that through the #ThisFlag movement, Pastor Evan Mawarire questioned the meanings attached to the national flag in light of the protracted socio-economic and political challenges confronting the country.

3 ZANU-PF was a party riddled with factions. During this period, there were two major contending factions. There was the Generation-40 faction which supported Mugabe and the Lacoste faction supporting Emmerson Mnangagwa. For more information, see Hove (2019) and Nyambi (2016).

4 While street performance does have its place in western history, it has always been framed in opposition to (alternate to) the purpose-built/ mainstream theatre (see Mason 1992). In the modern era, western movement of site-specific performance has made street performances more common internationally however as a radical revolt against mainstream theatre’s consent to hegemonic and capitalism. However, within an African paradigm theatre has never been separated from ‘life’ therefore there has been no need for a purpose-built space set aside for the sole purpose of theatre performances.

5 This invitation was extended to other cities. Overnight transport to Harare was provided for prospective demonstrators coming from Bulawayo, Gweru, Masvingo, Mutare and other outlying areas. Some demonstrators came as far as Johannesburg, Francistown and Maputo.