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ABSTRACT
Pavlovich's article sheds light on how recent interventions in Libya and Syria have facilitated a mass influx of Others in Europe (that is, refugees, migrants and asylum-seekers from the Middle East and Africa), thereby exacerbating already-existing frustrations and anxieties among local populations. This scenario is prompting many Europeans to look to their own collective pasts—through the prism of the present—where they find meaning in far-right, nationalist or populist narratives. These narratives are then used to legitimate political platforms that threaten the foundations of a multi-ethnic, multiracial and multiconfessional cosmopolitan society. Applying insights gleaned from ethnographic fieldwork in the Balkans, Pavlovich sheds light on how geopolitical manoeuvrings have sparked refugee crises, and subsequently impacted local politics across Europe. Ultimately, foreign intervention, refugee crises and the rise of right-leaning populism can be utilized as a heuristic prism to better understand the processes of social and political transformation in Europe. The lessons that can be learned import a sense of gravity in facing the future, given that the bounds and limits of international order and acceptable political action that were shaped in the post-Second World War era are becoming unhinged.
Notes
1 Conrad Arensberg, The Irish Countryman: An Anthropological Study (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press 1988), 106.
2 Henry Kissinger, World Order (New York: Penguin 2014), 374. Kissinger further elaborates in an interview: ‘What I was trying to say is you should not think that you can shape history only by your will. This is also why I’m against the concept of intervention when you don’t know its ultimate implications.’ See Juliane von Mittelstaedt and Erich Follath, ‘Do we achieve world order through chaos or insight? Interview with Henry Kissinger’, Spiegel Online, 13 November 2014, available at www.spiegel.de/international/world/interview-with-henry-kissinger-on-state-of-global-politics-a-1002073-druck.html (viewed 20 March 2018).
3 Augustine of Hippo, in Augustine: Confessions and Enchiridion, ed. Albert Cook Outler (Louisville, KY: Westminster Press 2006), 252.
4 This intervention, from April to July 1991, was called Operation Provide Comfort.
5 President George H. W. Bush, 'Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union', 29 January 1991, available on the website of the American Presidency Project (University of California at Santa Barbara) at www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=19253 (viewed 20 March 2018) (italics added).
6 Andrew Bacevich, ‘A less than splendid little war’, Wilson Quarterly, vol. 25, no. 1, 2001, 83–94.
7 Laura Nader, ‘The words we use: justice, human rights, and the sense of injustice’, in K. M. Clarke and M. Goodale (eds), Mirrors of Justice: Law and Power in the Post-Cold War Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2010), 316–31 (see discussion on human rights, 322–6).
8 Costas Douzinas, ‘Postmodern just wars: Kosovo, Afghanistan and the new world order’, in John Strawson (ed.), Law after Ground Zero (London: Glasshouse Press 2002), 31.
9 Henry Kissinger, quoted in William E. Ratliff, ‘“Madeleine’s War” and the costs of intervention: the Kosovo precedent’, Harvard International Review, vol. 22, no. 4, 2001, 70–5 (71).
10 See John O’ Loughlin and Vladimir Kolossov, ‘Still not worth the bones of a single Pomeranian grenadier: the geopolitics of the Kosovo war 1999’, Political Geography, vol. 21, no. 5, 2002, 573–99.
11 Many critics and scholars have identified NATO’s war in Yugoslavia as a watershed moment in world history. See Peter Riddell, ‘NATO attacks create new doctrine of intervention’, The Times, 26 March 1999; Ronald S. Mangum, ‘NATO’s attack on Serbia: anomaly or emerging doctrine?’, Parameters, vol. 30, no. 4, 2000, 40–52; Douzinas, ‘Postmodern just wars’; and Ratliff, ‘“Madeleine’s War” and the costs of intervention’. Arguably, and perhaps ironically, the mode of these US interventions has precipitated Russia’s re-emergence as a major and proactive global player, one who has co-opted the same forms of intervention—the use of ‘humanitarian’ interventions and the support of local movements and uprisings to effect regime change and the redrawing of territorial borders—though for different ends (see Georgia, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Crimea and other parts of Ukraine). See also Matthew Morgan, ‘Producing new spaces of violence: Libya and the changing style of NATO interventions after the global financial crisis’, Geopolitics, vol. 22, no. 4, 2017, 911–33. Morgan discusses NATO’s twenty-first-century evolution into a streamlined, yet still lethal, global security/risk management force, one largely due to changed financial realities.
12 That is, the unintended consequences of political action. For a relevant discussion of adverse effects of European policies in the Middle East and North Africa that are felt in Europe, see Raymond Hinnebusch, ‘From imperialism to failed liberal peace: how Europe contributed to MENA’s failing states system and how MENA blowback threatens Europe’, in Richard Gillespie and Frédéric Volpi (eds), Routledge Handbook of Mediterranean Politics (London and New York: Routledge 2018), 60–71. For a deeper analysis of the unintended consequences of policies (especially covert ones), see Chalmers Johnson, Blowback: The Costs and Consequences of American Empire (New York: Metropolitan Books 2001).
13 According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Global Focus, available on the UNHCR website at http://reporting.unhcr.org/population (viewed 20 March 2018).
14 UNHCR Global Report 2015, available on the UNHCR website at www.unhcr.org/gr15/index.xml (viewed 20 March 2018).
15 See Kirk Bansak, Jens Hainmueller and Dominik Hangartner, ‘How economic, humanitarian, and religious concerns shape European attitudes toward asylum seekers’, Science, vol. 34, no. 6309, 2016, 217–22.
16 ‘File: Unemployed persons, in millions, seasonally adjusted, EU-28 and EA-19, January 2000–September 2017’, available on the Eurostat website at http://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/File:Unemployed_persons,_in_millions,_seasonally_adjusted,_EU-28_and_EA-19,_January_2000_-_September_2017_.png (viewed 20 March 2018).
17 Sebastian Dullien, Paying the Price: The Cost of Europe's Refugee Crisis, Policy Brief, no. 168 (London: European Council on Foreign Relations 2016),
18 Richard Wike, Bruce Stokes and Katie Simmons, ‘2. Negative views of minorities, refugees common in EU’, 11 July 2016, available on the Pew Research Center website at www.pewglobal.org/2016/07/11/negative-views-of-minorities-refugees-common-in-eu/ (viewed 20 March 2018).
19 For a general snapshot of the EU, see Standard Eurobarometer 85, Spring 2016: Public Opinion in the European Union, First Results (Brussels: European Commission 2016), available on the European Commission website at https://ec.europa.eu/commfrontoffice/publicopinion/index.cfm/ResultDoc/download/DocumentKy/75902. For Serbian views, see USAID and the Divac Foundation, ‘The attitudes of Serbian citizens towards refugees: key findings of the third wave of survey’, available on the Divac Foundation website at www.divac.com/upload/document/stavovi_o_izbeglicama_engleski_jun_2017_preview_20170720_114254.pdf (both websites viewed 20 March 2018).
20 Bruce Stokes, ‘Euroskepticism beyond Brexit: significant opposition in key European countries to an ever closer EU’, 7 June 2016, available on the Pew Research Center website at www.pewglobal.org/files/2016/06/Pew-Research-Center-Brexit-Report-FINAL-June-7-2016.pdf (viewed 20 March 2018).
21 Scholars from the fields of political science, psychology, anthropology, history, geography and sociology are engaging these issues. See, for example, Cas Mudde, ‘Europe’s populist surge: a long time in the making’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 95, no. 1, 2016, 25–30; Jackie Hogan and Kristin Haltinner, ‘Floods, invaders, and parasites: immigration threat narratives and right-wing populism in the USA, UK and Australia’, Journal of Intercultural Studies, vol. 36, no. 5, 2015, 520–43; Claudia Postelnicescu, ‘Europe’s new identity: the refugee crisis and the rise of nationalism’, Europe’s Journal of Psychology, vol. 12, no. 2, 2016, 203–9; Filip Milačić and Ivan Vuković, ‘The rise of the politics of national identity: new evidence from Western Europe’, Ethnopolitics, published online 2 June 2017, https://doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2017.1333313; Marta Szczepanik, ‘The “good” and “bad” refugees? Imagined refugeehood(s) in the media coverage of the migration crisis’, Journal of Identity and Migration Studies, vol. 10, no. 2, 2016, 23–33; and Anna Triandafyllidou, ‘A “refugee crisis” unfolding: “real” events and their interpretation in media and political debates’, Journal of Immigrant and Refugee Studies, vol. 16, no. 1–2, 2017, 198–216.
22 The fieldwork was conducted over twenty-two months (from 2008 to 2010) and one month during summer 2014. My initial fieldwork aims were to investigate how ethnic Serb displaced persons (‘refugees’ from Croatia and Bosnia, and ‘internally displaced persons’ from Kosovo) in the greater metropolitan Belgrade area affected local, national and international politics through their connection to the resurgence of the ultranationalist Srpska radikalna stranka (Serbian Radical Party, SRS). The research was guided by the following questions: Are displaced persons facilitating nationalist politics in Serbia and, if so, why, how and in what ways? Does the interface between displaced persons and the local domiciled population result in a ‘radicalization’ of politics? If so, what does this ‘nationalism’ really mean? My methods for collecting data consisted of participant observation; open, informal and semi-structured interviews; and critical cultural exegesis (such as analysis of political materials, voting patterns, news and cultural media etc.).
23 See Susana Durao, ‘From a political anthropology to an anthropology of policy: interview with Cris Shore’, Etnografica, vol. 14, no. 3, 2010, 595–614 (604).
24 Janine Wedel, Cris Shore, Gregory Feldman and Stacy Lathrop, ‘Toward an anthropology of public policy’, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 600, no. 1, 2005, 30–51.
25 Chan Kwok Bun, ‘Refugee camps as artefacts: an essay on Vietnamese Refugees in Southeast Asian Camps by Linda Hitchcox’, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 4, no. 3, 1990, 284–90 (284).
26 See Jean Bricmont, Humanitarian Imperialism: Using Human Rights to Sell War (New York: Monthly Review Press 2006); Alan J. Kuperman, ‘The moral hazard of humanitarian intervention: lessons from the Balkans’, International Studies Quarterly, vol. 52, no. 1, 2008, 49–80; David Kennedy, The Dark Sides of Virtue: Reassessing International Humanitarianism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2004); Jean-Christophe Merle, ‘The problem with military humanitarian intervention and its solution’, Philosophical Forum, vol. 36, no. 1, 2005, 59–76; Anne Orford, ‘Muscular humanitarianism: reading the narratives of the new interventionism’, European Journal of International Law, vol. 10, no. 4, 1999, 679–711.
27 For example, in March 1992, before Bosnia was catapulted into a horrific (un)civil war, a peace agreement was signed. The Lisbon Agreement, also known as the Cutileiro plan, fell apart after Bosnian leader Alija Izetbegovic withdrew his signature ten days after signing (allegedly to hold out for more territory). Days later, the war had commenced and bloodshed would continue in the ensuing Serb–Croat–Muslim three-way power grab. The Bosnian segment of the Yugoslav Civil War/Wars of Succession resulted in the deaths of over 100,000 and displaced more than 2 million people. In Kosovo, Libya and Syria, the US/European preference for arming rebel ‘freedom fighters’, many of whom belonged to or represented terrorist groups, such as al-Qaeda or other factions that would become part of the Islamic State, similarly thrust those regions into all-out war with civilian populations bearing the brunt of the carnage. See Stephen Kinzer, ‘Today’s refugee crisis is the price for yesterday’s interventions’, and Boston Globe, 30 August 2015; and Benjamin A. Valentino, ‘The true costs of humanitarian intervention: the hard truth about a noble notion’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 90, no. 6, 2011, 60–73.
28 Misha Glenny, The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804–2012 (New York: Penguin 1999), 658.
29 Alan Kuperman, ‘Obama’s Libya debacle: how a well-meaning intervention ended in failure’, Foreign Affairs, vol. 94, no. 2, 2015, 66–77.
30 Rhania Khalek, ‘How U.S. support for Syrian rebels drove the refugee crisis that Trump has capitalized on’, AlterNet, 1 March 2017, available at www.alternet.org/grayzone-project/us-support-syrian-rebels-drove-refugee-crisis (viewed 20 March 2018).
31 UNHCR, ‘Global trends: forced displacement in 2016’, available on the UNHCR website at www.unhcr.org/5943e8a34.pdf (viewed 20 March 2018).
32 Liisa Malkki, in a discussion of how identities get ‘territorialized’ as a ‘peculiar sedentarism’, or attached to spaces, notes how refugee (displaced) populations can become pathologized after they are uprooted. See Liisa Malkki, ‘National geographic: the rooting of peoples and the territorialization of national identity’, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 7, no. 1, 1992, 24–44 (31–3).
33 See Jasna Capo-Zmegac, Strangers Either Way: The Lives of Croatian Refugees in Their New Home (Oxford and New York: Berghahn Books 2007), 95.
34 For example, a SEIO poll found 47 per cent of Serbs in favour of the EU, as opposed to the 53 per cent answering otherwise; see Snezana Bjelotomic, 'Public opinion poll: 47% of Serbian citizens in favour of EU accession', Serbian Monitor (online), 7 February 2017, available at https://serbianmonitor.com/en/featured/29770/survey-47-of-serbian-citizens-favour-of-eu-accession (viewed 21 March 2018).
35 Dragoljub Todić, ‘Euroscepticism in Europe: an image problem?’, Emerging Europe, 2 November 2017, available at http://emerging-europe.com/voices/voices-intl-relations/euroscepticism-serbia-image-problem/ (viewed 21 March 2018).
36 These characterizations are gleaned from over ninety open and semi-structured interviews, as well as dozens of conversations with informants during ethnographic fieldwork in the greater Belgrade area from 2008 to 2010, and July 2014.
37 Indeed, Serbian government officials, politicians and members of the media and public elite often express in different ways that Serbia needs to start functioning like a ‘normal society’. On various occasions during my fieldwork I heard the idea that Serbs/Serbia are/is ‘not normal’. See Jessica Greenberg, ‘On the road to normal: negotiating agency and state sovereignty in postsocialist Serbia’, American Anthropologist, vol. 113, no. 1, 2011, 88–100; and Stef Jansen, ‘On not moving well enough: temporal reasoning in Sarajevo yearnings for “normal lives”’, Current Anthropology, vol. 55, supplement 9, 2014, 74–84.
38 See, for example, Art Hansen and Anthony Oliver-Smith, Involuntary Migration and Resettlement: The Problems and Responses of Dislocated People (Boulder, CO: Westview Press 1982); Malkki, ‘National geographic’; and Barbara Harrell-Bond, Imposing Aid: Emergency Assistance to Refugees (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1986).
39 David Haines, ‘Vision and heart: the anthropological research on refugees, immigrants, and displacees’, in Julienne G. Lipson and Lucia Ann McSpadden (eds), Negotiating Power and Place at the Margins: Selected Papers on Refugees and Immigrants, vol. 7 (Arlington, VA: American Anthropological Association 1999), 33–52.
40 Birgitte Refslund Sørensen, ‘The experience of displacement: reconstructing places and identities in Sri Lanka’, in Karen Fog Olwig and Kirsten Hastrup (eds), Siting Culture: The Shifting Anthropological Object (New York and London: Routledge 1997), 142–64 (148).
41 Eftihia Voutira and Giorgia Dona, ‘Refugee research methodologies: consolidation and transformation of a field’, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 20, no. 2, 2007, 163–71.
42 Liisa Malkki, Purity and Exile: Violence, Memory, and National Cosmology among Hutu Refugees in Tanzania (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1995); and Elizabeth Colson, ‘Linkages methodology: no man is an island’, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 20, no. 2, 2007, 320–33.
43 This insight only became apparent after spending a few months in the field and developing a rapport—and trust—with informants whereby they were willing to express personal views not easily shared in public.
44 Research fieldnotes, 14 July 2009. ‘Maja’ is a pseudonym, used to maintain anonymity of informants. Zala Volčič discusses a similar form of estrangement for former Yugoslavs ‘whereby that which has been familiar becomes suddenly and inexplicably strange and alien’; Zala Volčič, ‘Scenes from the last Yugoslav generation: the long march from Yugo-utopia to nationalisms’, Cultural Dynamics, vol. 15, no. 1, 2007, 67–89 (76).
45 Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Kosovo.
46 Greenberg, ‘On the road to normal’; Jansen, ‘On not moving well enough’; Stef Jansen, ‘After the red passport: an anthropology of everyday geopolitics of entrapment in the EU’s “immediate outside”’, Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, vol. 15, no. 4, 2009, 815–32.
47 Sanja Bahun, ‘There was once a country: an impossible chronotope in the writings of Slavenka Drakulić and Dubravka Ugrešić’, European Journal of English Studies, vol. 14, no. 1, 2010, 63–74 (67).
48 While a psychological assessment would provide greater insight into the severity of these conditions, this obviously goes beyond the scope of my research or training as a cultural anthropologist. Further research by the appropriate clinicians is warranted.
49 Howard F. Stein, ‘A mosaic of transmissions after trauma’, in M. G. Fromm (ed.), Lost in Transmission: Studies of Trauma across Generations (London: Karnac 2012), 175 (italics in original).
50 ‘President, PM welcome visa news’, B92, 15 July 2009, available at www.b92.net/eng/news/politics.php?yyyy=2009&mm=07&dd=15&nav_id=60514 (viewed 21 March 2018) (italics added).
51 For a comprehensive overview of this phenomenon in Europe, see Rogers Brubaker, ‘Between nationalism and civilizationism: the European populist moment in comparative perspective’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol. 40, no. 8, 2017, 1191–226.
52 See, for example, Anastasia Karakasidou, Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia, 1870–1990 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1997); George White, ‘Histories and subjectivities’, Ethos: Journal of the Society for Psychological Anthropology, vol. 28, no. 4, 2000, 493–510; Keith Brown, The Past in Questions: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2003); and Andrea L. Smith, Colonial Memory and Postcolonial Europe: Maltese Settlers in Algeria and France (Bloomington: Indiana University Press 2006).
53 Susanne Spülbeck, ‘Ethnography of an encounter: reactions to refugees in post-war Germany and Russian migrants after the reunification: context, analogies and changes’, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, vol. 16, no. 1–2, 2000, 115–24.
54 Maurice Halbwachs, The Collective Memory (New York: Harper and Row 1980).
55 Reinhard Koselleck, Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press 2004), 262.
56 By this I mean recent issues of charged social and political purport that have gained considerable media coverage and policy attention (such as terrorism, the Syrian crisis, the refugee-migrant waves and connected (mal)adjustment issues in host countries, racial tensions etc.). These are invariably complex issues that have become ‘narrowed’ in the media and/or policy gaze. The metaphor of a spotlight pinpointing its light on a particular spot, while not illuminating a broader area, I feel is an apt one for this discussion, as it denotes narrow focus, but without crucial context. Moreover, spotlight issues have a tendency to become sensationalized, thus littering the media landscape.
57 Elizabeth Tonkin, Narrating Our Pasts: The Social Construction of Oral History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1992); see also Elizabeth Tonkin and Harvey Whitehouse, ‘Memory and social transmission’, Anthropology Today, vol. 11, no. 5, 1995, 23–4.
58 The scholarly corpus on the creation of ethnnational identity, belonging and nationalism is vast. See, for example, Fredrik Barth, Ethnic Groups and Boundaries (Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press 1969); Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London: Methuen 1977); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Oxford: Blackwell 1983); Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford: Blackwell 1987); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso 1999); and Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Ethnicity and Nationalism: Anthropological Perspectives (London: Pluto Press 2002).
59 Ethnic, national and civic identities can be built from the ‘bottom-up’ as well as from the ‘top-down’. This is much more complicated for a multicultural, multi-ethnic or multireligious state or federation, or suparanational entity. See, for example, Brigid Laffan, ‘The politics of identity and political order in Europe’, Journal of Common Market Studies, vol. 35, no. 1, 1996, 81–102; Cris Shore, Building Europe: The Cultural Politics of European Integration (London: Routledge 2000); and Thomas M. Wilson, ‘Agendas in conflict: nation, state and Europe in the Northern Ireland borderlands’, in Irène Bellier and Thomas M. Wilson (eds), An Anthropology of the European Union: Building, Imagining and Experiencing the New Europe (Oxford and New York: Berg 2000), 137–58.
60 Including: 17 August 2017, Barcelona, Spain (14 killed, 130 injured); 3 June 2017, London, UK (8 killed, 48 injured); 22 May 2017, Manchester, UK (22 killed, 119 injured); 7 April 2017, Stockholm, Sweden (5 killed, 14 injured); 3 April 2017, St Petersburg, Russia (15 killed, 49 injured); 22 March 2017, London, UK (5 killed, 29 injured); 19 December 2016, Berlin, Germany (11 killed, 48 injured); 14 July 2016, Nice, France (86 killed, 202 injured); 22 March 2016, Brussels, Belgium (32 killed, 340 injured); 13 November 2015, Paris, France (130 killed, 413 injured); 7 January 2015, Paris, France (17 killed, 10 injured); 7 July 2005, London, UK (52 killed, 784 injured); 11 March 2004, Madrid, Spain (192 killed; 2,050 injured).
61 Douglas Holmes, ‘Fascism 2’, Anthropology Today, vol. 32, no. 2, 2016, 1–3 (2).
62 What becomes convincing, as Hannah Arendt noted, ‘are not facts, and not even invented facts, but only the consistency of the system of which they are presumably part’; Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism [1948] (New York: Harcourt and Brace 1976), 351; see also Jan-Werner Müller, ‘Capitalism in one family: the populist moment’, London Review of Books, 1 December 2016.
63 Peter Oborne, ‘Europe is slowly strangling the life out of national democracy’, Telegraph, 1 January 2014.
64 Richard Wike, Bruce Stokes and Katie Simmons, Europeans Fear Wave of Refugees Will Mean More Terrorism, Fewer Jobs (Washington, D.C.: Pew Research Center 2016), available on the Pew Research Center website at www.pewglobal.org/files/2016/07/Pew-Research-Center-EU-Refugees-and-National-Identity-Report-FINAL-July-11-2016.pdf (viewed 22 March 2018).
65 Personal communication with the author, 25 September 2016.
66 As opposed to some high-profile charity concerts and benefit albums held for Bosnia and Kosovo in the 1990s.
67 See, for example, Marie-Janine Calic, ‘Ethnic cleansing and war crimes, 1991–1995’, in Charles Ingrao and Thomas A. Emmert (eds), Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars’ Initiative (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press/ Washington, D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press 2009), 114–51; Susan L. Woodward, ‘Genocide or partition: two faces of the same coin?’, Slavic Review, vol. 55, no. 4, 1996, 755–61.
68 Jansen, ‘After the red passport’, 824–6.
69 ‘Neša’ is a thirty-two-year-old male who has been living in a refugee camp in the Kaludjerica suburb of Belgrade since 1999 when he and his family were ethnically cleansed by ethnic Albanians after the bombing campaign ended. Personal communication with the author, 16 August 2016.
70 Richard Freeman, Steven Griggs and Annette Boaz, ‘The practice of policy making’, Evidence & Policy, vol. 7, no. 2, 2011, 127–36 (129).
71 It is not lost on many Serbs that they share much in common with the recent wave of refugees from the Middle East. Serbian political analyst Dušan Janjić notes: ‘There is a sentiment of solidarity with the refugees, some people recognize their own past in what is happening’. Quoted in Andrew Macdowall, ‘Wait, the Serbs are now the good guys?’, Politico, 18 September 2015, available at www.politico.eu/article/serbia-croatia-hungary-orban-migrants-schengen-crisis/ (viewed 22 March 2018).
72 Malkki, Purity and Exile, 52–6.
73 See Marko Stojić’s discussion about the instrumental and pragmatic decision-making process of former SRS key players in forming the SNS so that they would remain a populist party; Marko Stojić, Party Responses to the EU in the Western Balkans: Transformation, Opposition, or Defiance? (New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2018), 125–9.
74 Jonathan Spencer, ‘Writing within: anthropology, nationalism, and culture in Sri Lanka’, Current Anthropology, vol. 31, no. 3, 1990, 283–91 (283).
75 Michael Herzfeld, Cultural Intimacy: Social Poetics in the Nation-State (New York and London: Routledge 2005).
76 Douglas R. Holmes, Integral Europe: Fast-Capitalism, Multiculturalism, Neofascism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2000), 72–4.
77 Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1996), 21.
78 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage 1995).
79 See Craig Calhoun, Nationalism: Concepts in Social Thought (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press 1997).
80 Jan-Werner Müller, ‘The people must be extracted from within the people: reflections on populism’, Constellations, vol. 21, no. 4, 2014, 483–93. See Müller’s discussion of the authentic, true and moral group that populists claim to represent, 485–6.
81 The use of emotion in law, policy and politics, high and low, has been broached by a range of scholars. See, for example, William M. Reddy, ‘Emotional liberty: politics and history in the anthropology of emotions’, Cultural Anthropology, vol. 14, no. 2, 1999, 256–88; Robert M. Hayden, ‘Mass killings and images of genocide in Bosnia, 1941–5 and 1992–5’, in Dan Stone (ed.), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan 2008), 487–516; Roger D. Petersen, Western Intervention in the Balkans: The Strategic Use of Emotion in Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2011); Roland Bleiker and Emma Hutchinson, ‘Fear no more: emotions and world politics’, Review of International Studies, vol. 34, no. S1, 2008, 115–35; and Simon Thompson and Paul Hoggett (eds), Politics and the Emotions: The Affective Turn in Contemporary Political Studies (New York and London: Continuum 2012).
82 Irial Glynn and J. Olaf Kleist, ‘History, memory and migration: comparisons, challenges and outlooks’, in Irial Glynn and J. Olaf Kleist (eds), History, Memory and Migration: Perceptions of the Past and the Politics of Incorporation (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan 2012), 237–44 (241).
83 Douglas R. Holmes, ‘Surrogate discourses of power: the European Union and the problem of society’, in Bellier and Wilson (eds), An Anthropology of the European Union, 100–1.
84 See Damir Skenderovic, Christina Spati and Daniel Wildmann, ‘Past and present expressions of Islamophobia: an introduction’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 48, no. 5, 2014, 437–41; Farid Hafez, ‘Shifting borders: Islamophobia as common ground for building pan-European right-wing unity’, Patterns of Prejudice, vol. 48, no. 5, 2014, 479–99.
85 Mary Kaldor, ‘Cosmopolitanism versus nationalism: the new divide?’, in Richard Caplan and John Feffer (eds), Europe’s New Nationalism: States and Minorities in Conflict (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press 1996), 42–58. Even though the article was written over twenty years ago, the arguments and characterization of sentiments are still valid today.
86 Douglas R. Holmes, ‘Supranationalism–integralism–nationalism: schemata for twenty-first-century Europe’, in Gerard Delanty and Krishan Kumar (eds), The Sage Handbook of Nations and Nationalism (London: Sage 2006), 385–98 (387).
87 Helene Fouquet, Rainer Buergin and John Follain, ‘EU populists see Trump victory as beginning of end for old order’, Bloomberg, 21 January 2017, available at www.bloomberg.com/politics/articles/2017-01-21/eu-populists-see-trump-victory-as-beginning-of-end-for-old-order (viewed 23 March 2018).
88 Peter Mair, Ruling the Void: The Hollowing of Western Democracy (London: Verso 2013), 44. For analysis of Trump, see Douglas Kellner, American Nightmare: Donald Trump, Media Spectacle, and Authoritarian Populism (Rotterdam and Boston: Sense Publishers 2016).
89 Associated with Joseph Overton, former vice-president of the Mackinac Center for Public Policy, a major US think-tank, which advocates limited government and free-market principles. See David French, ‘For good and ill, Donald Trump has brought discussion of political impossibilities into the open’, National Review Online, 8 December 2015, available at www.nationalreview.com/article/428200/donald-trump-overton-window-american-political-debate (viewed 23 March 2018).
90 See Ruth Wodak, Majid KhosraviNik and Brigitte Mral (eds), Right-wing Populism in Europe: Politics and Discourse (London: Bloomsbury 2013).
91 Andrea L. Smith, ‘Germany’s anti-foreigner crisis: state disunity and collective “forgetting”’, Journal of Historical Sociology, vol. 7, no. 4, 1994, 393–415.
92 Ernesto Laclau, On Populist Reason (London: Verso 2005), xi (italics added).
93 Dubravka Stojanović, Populism: The Serbian Way (Belgrade: Pescanik 2017), 7.
94 Jennifer Hyndman, ‘The geopolitics of migration and mobility’, Geopolitics, vol. 17, no. 2, 2012, 243–55; Gallya Lahav, Immigration and Politics in the New Europe: Reinventing Borders (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004), 82–6.
95 Dan Bilefsky, ‘In Serbia, a populist makes gains in elections marked by anger over the economy’, New York Times, 6 May 2012.
96 See, for example, Wolfgang Münchau, ‘A warning for the losers of the liberal elite’, Financial Times, 15 January 2017.
97 Outler (ed.), Augustine: Confessions and Enchiridion, 258.
98 Mark Webber, ‘The Kosovo war: a recapitulation’, International Affairs, vol. 85, no. 3, 2009, 447–59 (448).
99 Carlo Ginzburg, Wooden Eyes: Nine Reflections on Distance (New York: Columbia University Press 2001), 13.
100 Kuperman, ‘The moral hazard of humanitarian intervention.
101 Jennifer Hyndman, ‘The geopolitics of migration and mobility’, Geopolitics, vol. 17, no. 2, 2012, 243–55.
102 Adapted from Wimmer and Glick Schiller’s discussion of how immigrants bring into question the ‘isomorphism’ of the modern nation-state: nation, citizenry, sovereign and solidary group. See Andreas Wimmer and Nina Glick Schiller, ‘Methodological nationalism: the social sciences, and the study of migration: an essay in historical epistemology’, International Migration Review, vol. 37, no. 3, 2003, 576–610 (583–4).
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William V. Pavlovich
William V. Pavlovich is currently engaged in research at the Department of Anthropology at the State University of New York at Binghamton. He leads interdisciplinary curricular programmes there as the Interim Director of Global Learning Initiatives. Email: [email protected]