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Abstract
The 1997 Asian economic crisis discredited the international discussion about ‘Asian values’ in Pacific Asia, replacing it with a globalised ‘good governance’ discourse. The financial breakdown undermined claims by Asian autocrats that government should be based on authoritarian ‘Asian values’, not ‘Western democracy’. Yet, seven years later, authoritarian regimes in the region are flourishing while the new democracies flounder. Why have dictatorships, not democracies, prospered politically since the Asian financial crisis? Pacific Asia began as an ‘imagined community’ of developmental dictatorships, making authoritarian development the ‘original position’ against which democratic governance is judged. While the demise of ‘Asian values’ contributed to the fall of the Suharto regime in Indonesia, it did less harm to authoritarian regimes in more economically developed Malaysia and Singapore. The US‐led anti‐terror coalition provided several authoritarian rulers in Pacific Asia with welcome support from the West, while allowing them to weaken internal opposition. The new democracies, by contrast, faced international pressures to combat terrorism, often arousing local protest. Finally, middle class‐based reformist movements have risked destabilising the region's new democracies in the name of good governance.
Notes
Mark R Thompson is at the Institut für Politische Wissenschaft, University of Erlangen‐Nuremberg, Kochstrasse 4, 91054 Erlangen, Germany. Email: [email protected]‐erlangen.de
This claim had been taken seriously in the 1990s in the pages of such international journals as Foreign Affairs and The Journal of Democracy because rhetorical flourish was backed by financial success. See, for example, F Zakaria, ‘Culture is destiny: a conversation with Lee Kuan Yew’, Foreign Affairs, 73, 1994, pp 109–126; Kim D‐J, ‘Is culture destiny? The myth of Asia’s anti‐democratic values', Foreign Affairs, 73, 1994, pp 189–194; Kishore Mahbubani, ‘The Pacific way’, Foreign Affairs, 74, 1995, pp 100–111; and Margaret Ng, ‘Why Asia needs democracy’, Journal of Democracy, 8, 1997, pp 10–23. For an overview, see MR Thompson, ‘Whatever happened to “Asian Values”?’, Journal of Democracy, 12, 2001, pp 154–165.
T Koh, ‘In fact, East Asia is diverse, resilient and unstoppable’, International Herald Tribune, 12 December 1997, p 8.
R Wade, ‘From “miracle” to “cronyism”: explaining the great Asian slump’, Cambridge Journal of Economics, 22 (6), 1998, pp 693–706.
World Bank, The East Asian Miracle: Economic Growth and Public Policy, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. On the post‐crisis imf position, see ‘The Asian crisis: causes and cures’, Finance and Development, 35 (2), 1998, at http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/fandd/1998/06/imfstaff; Wade, ‘From “miracle” to “cronyism” ’; and S Haggard, The Political Economy of the Asian Financial Crisis, Washington, DC: Institute of International Economics, 2000.
For an analysis of the impact of economic crisis on democratisation, see S Haggard & RR Kaufman, The Political Economy of Democratic Transitions, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996.
DK Emmerson, ‘Exit and aftermath: the crisis of 1997–98’, in DK Emmerson (ed), Indonesia Beyond Suharto: Polity, Economy, Society, Transition, Armonk, NY: ME Sharp, p 331.
The World Bank's Chief Representative, Huang Yuchuan, called China the organisation's most successful partner, which has set a good example from which other countries could learn. ‘World Bank praises China’s poverty alleviation efforts', CRI Online News, 24 February 2003, at http://web12.cri.com.cn/english/2003/Feb/87328.htm.
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The Malaysian prime minister even threatened in July 2003 to throw Burma out of asean if Aung Sang Suu Kyi was not quickly released. ‘Burma “faces asean expulsion” ’, bbc News, UK edition, 20 July 2003, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia‐pacific/3081557.stm. But by the asean summit meeting in October 2003 the group had returned to its old dictator‐friendly policy of ‘non‐interference’ in other state's affairs, offering not a word of criticism of the Burmese junta, although Suu Kyi remained imprisoned.
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For an earlier effort, see MR Thompson, ‘Late industrialisers, late democratisers: developmental states in the Asia–Pacific’, Third World Quarterly, 17 (4), 1996, pp 625–647.
A brave attempt is made in D Drakakis‐Smith, Pacific Asia, London: Routledge, 1992.
On the inversion of ‘orientalism’ for ideological support of authoritarianism, see M Hill, ‘ “Asian values” as reverse orientalism: the case of Singapore’, paper presented at the New Zealand Asian Studies Society, 13th International Conference, 24–27 November 1999; S Lawson, ‘Institutionalising peaceful conflict: political opposition and the challenge of democratisation in Asia’, Australian Journal of International Affairs, 47, 1993, p 28; B‐H Chua, Communitarian Ideology and Democracy in Singapore, London: Routledge, 1995, ch 7; and M Berger, ‘The triumph of the East: the East Asian miracle and post‐war capitalism’, in M Berger & DA Borer (eds), The Rise of East Asia: Critical Visions of the Pacific Century, London: Routledge, 1997.
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MC Abad, Jr, ‘The Association of Southeast Asian Nations: challenges and responses’, in M Wesley (ed), The Regional Organizations of the Asia‐Pacific—Exploring Institutional Change, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003, pp 40–59.
World Bank, The East Asian Miracle.
M Bernard & J Ravenhill, ‘Beyond product cycles and flying geese: regionalisation, hierarchy, and the industrialisation of East Asia’, World Politics, 47, 1995, pp 171–209, offer a modified version of the ‘flying geese/product cycles’ theory to explain rapid growth in Pacific Asia.
W Hatch & K Yamamura, Asia in Japan's Embrace: Building a Regional Production Alliance, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
B Cumings, ‘The origins and development of the Northeast Asian political economy’, in FC Deyo (ed), The Political Economy of the New Asian Industrialism, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987, p 46.
Hamashita, ‘The intra‐regional system in East Asia in modern times’.
For a good overview (which avoids the use of the label ‘imperialism’ but shows the impact of US hegemony quite clearly), see R Buckley, The United States in the Asia–Pacific since 1945, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
M Beresford, ‘Issues in economic unification: overcoming the legacy of separation’, in D Marr & C White (eds), Postwar Vietnam: Dilemmas in Socialist Development, Ithaca, NY: Cornell Southeast Asia Program, 1988. See also K Park & HK Clayton, ‘The Vietnam war and the “Miracle of East Asia” ’, Inter‐Asia Cultural Studies, 4 (3), 2003, pp 372–398.
For a summary, see Haggard, Asian Financial Crisis.
An influential academic application of modernisation theory to Pacific Asia is J W Morley (ed), Driven by Growth: Political Change in the Asia–Pacific Region, Armonk, NY: ME Sharpe, 1999.
Thompson, ‘Late industrialisers, late democratisers’.
JJ Kirkpatrick, Dictatorships and Doubled Standards: Rationalism and Reason in Politics, New York: American Enterprise Institute and Simon and Schuster, 1982 employed this modernisation‐style argument to justify US support for Central American dictators against communist insurgencies. Later, Kirkpatrick was surprised to find that political change under communism was possible after all, as the ‘evil empire’ of the USSR liberalised under Gorbachev. Her ad hoc answer to this falsification of her theory is Kirkpatrick, The Withering Away of the Totalitarian State…and Other Surprises, Washington, DC: aei Press, 1990.
For a good overview, see K Hewison & G Rodan, ‘The ebb and flow of civil society and the decline of the Left in Southeast Asia’, in G Rodan (ed), Political Oppositions in Industrialising Asia, London: Routledge, 1996, pp 40–71. The Philippine Left entered into decline later, and still remains the most robust in Southeast Asia. For a discussion of some recent analyses see my review essay, ‘The decline of Philippine communism’, South East Asia Research, 6 (2), 1998, pp 105–129.
The classic discussion remains Deyo, The Poltical Economy of the New Asian Industrialism.
For overviews see A Reid (ed), Soujourners and Settlers: Histories of Southeast Asia and the Chinese, Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1996; and R McVey (ed), Southeast Asian Capitalists, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992. John Sidel has analysed the relationship between a predominantly ethnic Chinese bourgeoisie and Southeast Asian authoritarian states in ‘Siam and its twin? Democratisation and bossism in contemporary Thailand and the Philippines’, ids Bulletin, 27 (2), 1996, pp 56–63 and ‘Social origins of dictatorship and democracy: colonial state and Chinese immigrant in the making of modern South East Asia’ (unpublished manuscript).
On South Korea, see A Amsden, Asia's Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialisation, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. On Taiwan, see R Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialisation, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996.
R Robison & DSG Goodman, The New Rich in Asia: Mobile Phones, McDonald's and Middle‐Class Revolution, London: Routledge, 1996.
A Uhlin, ‘ “Asian values democracy”: neither Asian nor democratic—discourses and practices in late New Order Indonesia’, Center for Pacific Asia Studies at Stockholm University Occasional Paper, 3, 1999.
See MR Thompson, ‘Why democracy does not always follow economic ripeness’, in Y Shain & A Klieman (eds), Democracy: The Challenges Ahead, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1997, pp 63–84.
See the Freedom House country ratings for Malaysia and Singapore since 1972, at www.freedomhouse.org.
A good overview is provided in R Gunaratna (ed), Terrorism in the Asia–Pacific: Threat and Response, London: Eastern Universities Press, 2003.
‘Singapore arrests terror suspects’, bbc News, 5 January 2002, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia‐pacific/1743981.stm. Singaporean authorities discovered a destabilisation plot by Jemaah Islamiyah. See also R Gunaratna, ‘Asia: Al Qaeda’s new theatre', in Gunaratna, Inside Al Qaeda: The Global Network of Terror, New York: Columbia University Press, 2002, ch 4.
A low point was the clumsy arrest of a handful of nuns, accused of engaging in a ‘Marxist plot’ to overthrow the state in 1987! J Mais, ‘ “Marxist plot” revisited’, Singapore Window, at http://www.singapore‐window.org/sw01/01052ma.htm). On Singapore's long‐standing cult of national security, see J Clammer, Singapore: Ideology, Society and Culture, Singapore: Chopmen Publishers, 1985; and C‐O Khong, ‘Singapore: political legitimacy through managing conformity’, in M Alagappa (ed), Political Legitimacy in Southeast Asia, Stanford, CT: Stanford University Press, 1995, pp 108–135.
Singapore Government Press Statement on Further Arrest under the National Security Act, at http://www.sgnews.gov.sg/samplespeech/mha%20sample.htm; and E Noor, ‘Terrorism in Malaysia: situation and response’, in Gunaratna, Terrorism in the Asia–Pacific, pp 162–163.
M Hiebert, ‘Playing the Chinese card’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 26 August 1999, pp 18–20; ‘The unstoppable Dr Mahathir’, The Economist, 4 December 1999, pp 67–68; S Mydans, ‘Bucking the trend, Malaysia’s voters opted for stability', International Herald Tribune, 2 December 1999, p 7; and T Fuller, ‘Malaysia’s well‐oiled political machine', International Herald Tribune, 20–21 November 1999, p 5.
‘Malaysian pm condemns Iraq war’, bbc News, 24 March 2003, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia‐pacific/2880519.stm; ‘Malaysia’s Mahathir attacks West', bbc News, 19 June 2003, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia‐pacific/3003414.stm); and ‘Malaysia defends speech on Jews’, bbc News, 17 October 2003, at http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asia‐pacific/3196234.stm.
FA Noor, ‘Reaping the bitter harvest after twenty years of state Islamization: the Malaysian experience post‐September 11’, in Gunaratna, Terrorism in the Asia–Pacific, pp 178–201.
J Roberts, ‘Government routs opposition parties in Malaysian elections’, World Socialist Web Site, 29 March 2004, at www.wsws.org/articles/2004/mar2004/mal‐m29.shtml.
S Jones, ‘Jemaah Islamiyah in South East Asia: damaged but still dangerous’, International Crisis Group Asia, 63 (26), 2003, at www.intl‐crisis‐group.org/projects/showreport.cfm?reportid=1104.
Particularly because Indonesian courts refused to hand down a long jail sentence against Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, the alleged leader of Jemaah Islamiyah.
DS Estey, ‘US popularity plummets in Indonesia’, Alajazeera.net, 5 January 2004, at English.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/554FAF3A‐B267‐427A‐B9EC‐54881BDEOA2.
J McBeth & T McCawley, ‘Indonesia: bleak prospects ahead for frontrunner’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 2 October 2003, at http://203.105.2.25/articles/2003/0310_02/p016region.html; and T Mapes, ‘Indonesia: sold Short’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 9 October 2003, at http://203.105.2.25/articles/2003/0310_09/p020region.html.
B Adams, ‘Thailand’s crackdown: drug “war” kills democracy too', International Herald Tribune, 24 April 2003, reprinted at http://www.hrw.org/editorials/2003/thailand042403.htm.
R Bonner & E Schmit, ‘Thais help US fight terrorism, but want it kept secret’, New York Times, 9 June 2003, at http://smh.com.au/articles/2003/06/08/1055010876057.html.
SW Crispin, ‘Thailand: love vs war’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 20 May 2004, p 17.
‘Thaksin’s Thailand: the country is safer and richer under the Prime Minister', Business Week, 28 July 2003, at http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/03_30/b3843013_mz046.htm.
Gunaratna, ‘Asia’; and J Hookway, ‘Terrorist arrest: Commander Robot, one of Abu Sayyaf’s most dangerous leaders, is a big catch', Far Eastern Economic Review, 18 December 2003, at http://203.105.2.25/cgi‐bin/prog/printeasy?id=18524.8431823315.
R Bonner, ‘Terror in the Philippines: what is the US doing there?’, International Herald Tribune, 11 June 2002, p 4. While the writ of US troops was restricted to training the Philippine military, they were undoubtedly crucial in driving the Abu Sayyaf gang out of Basilan island (though not elsewhere in Mindanao). An American official claimed the major gain was the restoration of close relations with the Philippines after a decade of tension following the forced closure of US bases. ‘Done with Basilian, US avoids Jolo’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 1 August 2002, at http://www.feer.com/articles/2002/0208_01/p008intell.html.
J Hookway, ‘Genuine grievances’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 7 August 2003, pp 16–18.
‘Philippine defense chief quits’, cnn.com, 29 August 2003, at www.cnn.com/2003/WORLD/asiapcf/southeasat/08/29/phil.reyes.
J Hookway, ‘A dangerous new alliance: officials now say the sinking of the Superferry 14 was a terrorist attack’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 May 2004, at http://www.feer.com/articles/2004/0405_06/p012region.html. This bombing provided evidence that Abu Sayyaf is finally turning into the kind of terror organisation that its al‐Qaeda founders had hoped for.
As of this writing (May 2004), President Macapagal Arroyo seems headed for re‐election, but not without charges of electoral fraud and the massive use of government patronage, accompanied by thinly veiled threats of a military coup or another popular uprising. The Philippine political situation remains highly volatile.
But in South Korea middle class activism helped strengthen democracy. Roh Moo Hyun was temporarily removed from office on flimsy impeachment charges by the conservative opposition that has its roots in the developmentalist dictatorship. This led to a middle class‐led protest movement that swept the pro‐Roh Uri Party to victory in the legislative elections of April 2004, with Roh restored to the presidency soon thereafter.
E‐L Hedman, ‘The spectre of populism in the Philippines: Artista, Masa, Eraption!’, South East Asia Research, 9, 2001, pp 5–44.
On ‘bakya’ English, see VL Rafael, ‘Taglish, or the phantom power of the lingua franca’, Public Culture, 8, 1995, pp 110–111, cited in Hedman, ‘The spectre of populism in the Philippines’.
A McCoy, ‘Erap, Chavit, Pulisya, Jueteng: Philippine police and the program of legitimacy’, talk delivered to the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin‐Madison, 26 January 2001.
A typical Philippine newspaper article on Estrada's ‘improper’ lifestyle is ‘Decadence’, Philippine Daily Inquirer, 25 October 2000, p 8. See also T Fuller, ‘A portrait of a lifestyle and a liability’, International Herald Tribune, 4 November 2000, pp 1, 4.
C Lande, ‘The return of “People Power” in the Philippines’, Journal of Democracy, 12 (2), 2001, pp 88–102.
MD Vitug, ‘Getting out the vote’, Newsweek, 14 May 2001, pp 28–30.
In a March 2001 decision the Supreme Court ruled Macapagal‐Arroyo was the legitimate president because Estrada had ‘effectively resigned by his acts and statements’, although he had been forced out of office by the unconstitutional means of a popular uprising and military intervention. IT Crisostomo, The Power and the Gloria: Gloria Macapagal‐Arroyo and Her Presidency, Quezon City: J Criz Publishing, 2002, pp 102–104.
N Molholland, ‘After Wahid’, Committee for a Worker's International, 20 August 2001, at http://www.worldsocialist‐cwi.org/index2.html?/eng/2001/0820.html.
D McCargo, ‘Populism and reform in contemporary Thailand’, South East Asia Research, 9, 2001, pp 89–107.
On Thaksin's popularity despite his dubious democratic credentials, see M Shari, ‘Thaksin’s Thailand', Business Week, 28 June 2003; and ‘Thais love Thaksin’, The Economist, 17 April 2003.
‘Thais love Thaksin’; and ‘Thaksin: democracy is not my goal’, The Nation (Bangkok), 11 November 2003, reprinted at http://www.thaivisa.com/forum/index.php?s=28fad62fbb806681f0fc3c27d870e871&showtopic=4293.