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Abstract
The article discusses the origins and development of the interwar Lithuanian radical right-wing movement before the coup d’état of December 1926. During the second half of 1922, the first sporadic outbreaks of Lithuanian ultra-patriotism occurred. They were carried out by veterans of the independence wars and students – both representatives of the “tautininkai (patriotic) stream.” In parallel, during the period 1923–1927, another two separate groups started operating as right-wing political parties: the pro-fascist movement coordinated by the Christian Democrats, and the “Secret Officers Union” allied with the “Lithuanian Nationalist Union” (Tautininkai). These three groups and their interrelations comprised the core of the early Lithuanian radical right. By focusing on the destabilizing role of war veterans, the author is explicit about the connection between the war and the radicalization of politics in interwar Lithuania.
Notes
1. See, for example: Misiunas (Citation1970), Rudis (Citation1992), Eidintas (Citation1993), Svarauskas (Citation2006) and Sirutavičius (Citation2011). With the exception of Eidintas and Sirutavičius, no studies touch upon the pre-1926 period.
2. Following Andres Kasekamp’s study (Kasekamp Citation2000) on the Estonian veteran movement, the broadly understood term “radical right” was used in defining all kinds of Lithuanian right-wing extremism, such as ultra-patriotism, extreme nationalism, proto-fascism, or others. At the moment, a more precise distinction is rather difficult due to the absence of basic research on this political movement and a shortage of case studies.
3. The definition of the group was borrowed from a private speech supposedly given by Voldemaras in early 1927, when discussing the establishment of “Iron Wolf” (Pyragius Citation1993, 59). I prefer not to translate tautininkai into “nationalists” due to the broader connotations that the Lithuanian word implies.
4. On the developments of the movement in Germany, see, for example, Breuer (Citation2008) and Lohalm (Citation1970).
5. A. Sm. [Smetona, Antanas]. 1926. “Savanorius atsiminus.” Lietuvis, September 10.
6. “Kariai studentai ir jų likimas.” 1922. Tėvynės balsas, August 10; “Karių moksleivių žiniai.” 1922. Laisvė, October 31.
7. It is common to translate “tautininkai” as “nationalist.” During the second half of the 1920s and especially during the 1930s, the Corporation became much more nationalist and even pro-fascist. However, it was not so during the first half of the 1920s.
8. “L. Studentų Tautininkų deklaracija.” 1922. Lietuva, November 28 (accented in the text).
9. The number of “soldier students” grew after the law on demobilization was passed on 29 September 1922 (it was popularly known as “the law of the demobilization of the intelligentsia”), which released active duty soldiers to study (“Demobilizacijos įstatymas.” 1922. Vyriausybės žinios, October 9; “Karių atleidimo mokslui eiti įstatymas.” 1922. Vyriausybės žinios, October 28).
10. “Dėlko nepaliuosuoja?” 1922. Lietuvos žinios, October 1.
11. Of the total 78 seats, the Christian Democratic bloc received 38 (48.7% of votes), the leftists 30 (38.5%), the Communists 5 (6.5%), and others 5 (6.5%). The Tautininkai received 2.9% of the votes and had no seats in the Parliament (see the table in: Truska Citation2005).
12. Voldemaras, Augustinas. 1922. “Falsifikuotas Seimas.” Tėvynės balsas, October 20.
13. “Kauno kronika: Komisija Kovai su Brangenybe.” 1922. Tėvynės balsas, October 27.
14. “Valdžios žinios: Skelbimas.” 1922. Lietuva, October 13.
15. According to the 1923 census, out of every 100 inhabitants, 91 Lithuanians and only 1 Jew worked in the agricultural sector, whereas 77 Jews and 17 Lithuanians were engaged in trade (“Savistovių gyventojų suskirstymas užsiėmimais bei tautybėmis.” 1925. Statistikos biuletenis – Le Bulletin Statistique 2: 38–40).
16. “Mitingas dėl brangenybės.” 1922. Laisvė, October 12; “Rezoliucija dėl kovos su brangenybe.” 1922. Laisvė, October 13; Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius et al. 1922. “Ponui Ministrui Pirmininkui.” Laisvė, October 13.
17. The proclamation was published in full in: “Prieš audrą.” 1922. Tėvynės balsas, October 28.
18. Krupavičius, Mykolas. 1922. “Dėl naujo ‘Tėvynės Balso’ šmeižto.” Laisvė, November 5.
19. “Nepasiduokime pagundinimams.” 1922. Lietuvos žinios, October 24.
20. “Iš laikraščių.” 1922. Lietuvos žinios, October 24.
21. Out of 92,000 Kaunas inhabitants, Lithuanians comprised 60%, Jews 27%, Poles 4.5%, and Russians (including Belarusians) 2.9%. In some towns, the size of the Jewish population was as large as 36.6% (e.g. in Ukmergė), while a somewhat larger number of Poles and Russians lived in the provincial districts, especially in the southern and eastern parts (“Lietuvos gyventojų skaičius sulig pirmutiniojo apskaičiavimo pirmojo visuotinio gyventojų surašymo 1923 m. duomenimis.” 1923. Statistikos biuletenis – Le Bulletin Statistique Novembre 1923 1: 14).
22. See, for example: Gilvydis, A. 1922. “Rusiškumo pamėgdžiotojai ir lietuviškumo niekintojai.” Tėvynės balsas, April 26; “Kovon už lietuvybę.” 1922. Trimitas, June 10: 1–4; “Pribrendusiu reikalu.” 1922. Lietuva, June 24; Smetona, Antanas. 1922. “Rusų ir mūsų kalba.” Tėvynės balsas, August 6; “Saugokim brangiausi tautos turtą.” 1922. Trimitas, August 19: 25–28; “Šalin internacionalizacijos.” 1922. Trimitas September 2: 6.
23. “Kauno kronika: Taisoma iškabų kalba.” 1922. Tėvynės balsas, July 23.
24. “Kauno kronika: Sąjunga lietuvių kalbai ginti.” 1922. Lietuva, September 24; “Sąjunga Lietuvių Kalbai Ginti.” 1922. Laisvė, September 27.
25. At that time, the split between the Lithuanian and non-Lithuanian (mainly Jewish) students in the University was approximately 40–60%, respectively. This was not surprising, considering that many of the Jewish students were either born in Kaunas or had relatives living there. Their better economic standing explains the higher rate of their success of being admitted to the university (“Pamirštu klausimu.” 1922. Lietuva, September 28).
26. The author of the article “Racial conflicts at the University of Lithuania,” Kazys Marčiulionis, was one of the founding members of the Corporation and, at that time, a law student. He argued that the Jews had acted unwisely by insisting on the use of Yiddish and thus provoking Lithuanian nationalists (Marčiulionis, Kazys. 1922. “Rasinė kova Lietuvos Universitete.” Krašto balsas, November 24).
27. “Fašizmas ir tautinis šovinizmas mūsų universitete.” 1922. Lietuvos žinios, November 30.
28. It seems that the pamphlet “Citizens!” triggered the anti-Semitism of Darbininkas, which suggests that some of the editors of the weekly might have had something to do with the pamphlet.
29. “Kaunas: Studentai veikia.” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, January 11; “Ar ilgai taip bus?” 1923. Krašto balsas, January 18; “Kaunas: Kova už savo kalbą.” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, January 26.
30. “Kaunas: Žydų ir lenkų iškabas užtepliojo.” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, February 6; “Apsimurzino Kaunas.” 1923. Laisvė, February 6; “Kauno kronika: Kauno miesto ir apskrities…” 1923. Lietuva, February 8. Interestingly enough, a warning about the upcoming blackening was published by the main state periodical Lietuva (“Kauno kronika: Artinasi 16 vasario šventė…” 1923. Lietuva, January 28). The information obtained by the police also indicated that the blackening of signs in Kaunas was a joint endeavor between youth from the “tautininkai stream,” namely, Jurgis Vidmontas (perhaps, Jurgis Vidmantas (1900–1993)), and Kazys Marčiulionis (Report about Vidmontas’ involvement, 18 January 1924. Lithuanian Central State Archive (forthwith – LCVA) 378-2-8081 (first number indicates fund, second – inventory, and third – folder), 6; Secret report to the head of the Political Police, 3 March 1924. LCVA 378-2-8081, 8).
31. Finkelšteinas, Ozeris. 1923. “Chuliganiškumas arba valdymo sistema.” Lietuvos žinios, February 10.
32. “Quousque tandem, Catilina…” and “Krikščioniškiausioji interpeliacija.” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, October 14; “Dėl Vidaus Reikalų Ministerio politikos.” 1923. Tėvynės sargas, October 27. Many interesting parallels and insights about the Christian Democratic Party’s politics were made in MP Zigmas Toliušis’s (1889–1971) speech regarding the interpellation against Minister Žalkauskas: “Atstovo Z. Toliušio kalba dėl interpeliacijos Vidaus Reik. Ministeriui.” 1923. Lietuvos ūkininkas, November 7–13: 5–7; and Lietuvos ūkininkas, 14–20 November: 3–4.
The direct involvement of the Tautininkai Union in this incident is doubtful. At that time, they were already pursuing a different political agenda – the annulment of the election results to the First Parliament. Achieving, it required the support of the well-connected Lithuanian Jewish community. Being a political minority, the Tautininkai saw this as an opportunity to get a better standing not only among Lithuanian Jews, but more importantly among the western European and American Jewish organizations. Voldemaras became a very active advocate of national minority rights, pointing at the unfair elections, conservatism, and radicalism of the Christian Democratic bloc. The major outcome of this endeavor was the preparation of a thematic issue of the Bulletin du Comité des Délégations Juives (1923), May 15. It contained translations of Lithuanian laws on cultural autonomy and included an address of the Lithuanian Jewish politicians.
33. “Kaunas: Kauno miesto ir apskrities viršininko įsakymas Nr. 25.” 1924. Lietuvos žinios, July 15.
34. “Kauno kronika: Iškabų užtepimas.” 1924. Lietuva, October 16.
35. “Vasario 16 dienos iškilmės.” 1923. Lietuva, February 20.
36. “Ar esama pas mus ‘fašizmo’?” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, February 23; “Prie ko einama?” 1923. Lietuvos ūkininkas, March 12–18: 2–3.
37. “Reikia mums organizuotis.” 1923. Tėvynės sargas, March 3: 88–89.
38. “Lietuvos fašistų vykdomasis komitetas, ‘Žinokit!’” 15 February 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 38 (emphasis in the text).
39. “Lietuvos fašistų vykdomasis komitetas, ‘Tautiečiai!’” March 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 47 (emphasis in the text).
40. “Lietuvos fašistų vykdomasis komitetas, ‘Tautiečiai!” April 1923. LCVA 391-4-1125, 181.
41. “Žvalgybos skyriaus kontržvalgų dalies žinios nr.6.” 28 February 1923. LCVA 384-3-129, 47.
42. Report on Jews buying weapons and explosives, 17 April 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 48; Report on Jewish self-defense groups, 12 April 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 49.
43. For two different stories of the incident, see: “Kaunas. Žydai užpuolė lietuvius.” 1923. Tėvynės sargas, October 20: 461; “Laiškas iš Makabi.” 1923. Lietuvos žinios, October 30.
44. Sližys’ secret order, 8 March 1923. LCVA 384-3-129, 50.
45. Lietuva (1923) “Kauno Miesto ir Apskrities Viršininko skelbimas,” March 10.
46. In mid-April, in the small town of Krekenava, a hand-written pamphlet “One more time!” [Dar kartą!] appeared together with a primitive drawing of a Jew leading a Lithuanian to Palestine. It was signed by the “Ramygala Fascist Executive Committee” (Ramygalos Fašistų Vykd. Komitetas) (LCVA 378-2-7247, 8–10). In Ukmergė, a group of radicals appeared on 16–17 April, headed by a seventh grade gymnasium student Antanas Kazlas. Other members were the local priest Jurkus, a tax-inspector Gasiūnas, and few others. The Ukmergė group soon established contacts with the LFVK in Kaunas (“Žvalgybos skyriaus II žvalgų punkto žinios nr.9.” 12 May 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 17). Moreover, its members collected 200 litai to blacken non-Lithuanian public signs in Ukmergė (“Žvalgybos skyriaus II žvalgų punkto žinios nr.12.” 29 May 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 6). It is interesting to note that Kazlas later studied law, and in the 1930s, he became known as one of the advocates in Voldemaras’ trials.
47. “Lietuvos fašistų sąjungos vykdomasis komitetas, ‘Tautiečiai!’” 13 September 1923. LCVA 1556-3-211, 4.
48. “Kovotojai prieš žydus, ‘Nubuskim lietuviai’.” 14 November 1923. LCVA 1556-3-211, 11. The thematic and rhetorical resemblance of the pamphlet with an article published earlier in Darbininkas is rather uncanny: “Fašistai, komunistai, teroristai ir Vidaus Reikalų Ministerijos politika.” 1923. Darbininkas, October 21.
49. The pamphlet was signed by the “Lithuanian Fascist Combat Committee” [Lietuvos Fašistų Kovos Komitetas], “Gelbėkite Lietuvą! Surašinėkite Lietuvos pardavikus!” 15 April 1926. LCVA 378-7-277, 6.
50. One of the main reasons may have been that Vilimavičius-Vilimas was expelled from the Christian Democrat Party a few weeks before the elections “due to behavior incompatible with Christian Democratic standards” (“Kun. Vilimas pašalintas iš Krikšč. Dem. Partijos.” 1926. Rytas, April 29). There were rumors that he felt insulted when, after the 1923 elections, he did not receive a ministerial post and, therefore, began causing trouble inside the party (“‘Judų’ darbai.” 1926. Kėdainių žinios, May 2). Another reason may have been that the heads of the Christian Democratic bloc became tired of the arrogant and uncontrollable behavior of the priest. Desperate to get into the Third Parliament, he founded his own political group and for 3 months published the weekly “Voice of Raseiniai” (Raseinių balsas). Among its co-authors, there were several radically inclined activists of Labor Federation, for example, Viktoras Beržinskas (1874–1947).
51. Pamphlets were anonymously sent to people, left in public places, glued on posts, etc. Most of the apprehended agitators were Catholic priests, people related to the Church, and members or supporters of the Christian Democratic bloc (LCVA 378-2-9262, 2–3).
52. Informant’s report. 21 November 1923. LCVA 378-2-8081, 3.
53. Informant’s report. 12 March 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 27; Informant’s report. 3 May 1923. LCVA 378-2-7247, 20.
54. The informant named the students: (Kazys?) Pašys (1899–?), a veteran, who later in the 1930s became a successful businessman closely connected with the voldemarist movement; Albinas Micuta (1897–?), a veteran, and director of the Lithuanian Central Statistical Bureau in the 1930s, and the already mentioned Butėnas.
55. Besides the above-mentioned prominent figures, the informant claimed that among the members and supporters of the movement were: Colonel Vincas Grigaliūnas-Glovackis (1885–1964), General Kazys Ladyga (1893–1941), Colonel Jonas Petruitis (1891–1943), Colonel Povilas Dundulis (1894–1942), Colonel Vladas Braziulevičius–Braziulis (1895–1972), and a number of other officers. As regards non-military figures, he named: the publicist and editor of the Christian Democratic Party’s daily Rytas (The Morning), Liudas Gira (1884–1946), the Chief of Mounted Police, Kazys Labutis (1899–1975), the MP, Eduardas Turauskas (1896–1966), the MP, Petras Jočys (1894–1970), and the “soldiers students,” former intelligence officers and associates of the LKGS – Vincas Čėpla (1895–?), and Mikalojus Lipčius (1894–1942?).
56. Information about such cells (with diagrams) came from other informants too. It seems that the “troiki” in the army kept in close contact with civilians, as was seen in the case of the Šančiai district garrison cell (in Kaunas), where one of the cell members – the chaplain – mediated between the group in Šančiai parish and local Šauliai unit (LCVA 378-5-1040, 23; diagram – 25).
57. Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 17.
58. Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 20.
59. Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 27.
60. The biggest donors to the weekly were: Stulginskis, Karvelis, Martynas Yčas (1885–1941), Volodka, Endziulaitis, Dulskis, and others. For example, the contributors to Tautos valia no. 6 were: Endziulaitis (penname Grigas), Major Tomkus; Ona Pleirytė-Puidienė (1882–1936), the student Povilas Štuopis (1907–1936), and others (Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 34–35).
61. Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 33.
62. Informant’s report. LCVA 378-5-1040, 32.
63. The only brief investigation of the Union was undertaken by Vaičenonis (Citation2004), 61–73.
64. The Tautininkai Union was never very fond of mass movements. It would seem that, since early 1923, the Tautininkai had discussed with Soviet representatives the possibility of an international reaction to a coup. The Soviets suggested using the masses, but Smetona and Voldemaras preferred to rely only on the military (Butkus Citation1995, 83, 2007; Kasparavičius Citation1999).
65. Secret S.K.S. Central’s pamphlet. 7 December 1928. LCVA 378-13-43, 1–3.
66. Only a few of the pamphlets survived: “Sl. Karininkų Tautininkų S-ga, ‘Karininkai Tautininkai’.” 17 December 1925. LCVA 1556-3-211, 1–2; “Slapta Lietuvos Karininkų-Tautininkų Sąjunga, ‘Gerbiami valstybės vadai!’” 21 December 1925. LCVA 1556-3-211, 10. It is important to note that in each of the pamphlets, the S.K.S. referred to themselves as veterans. According to them, the quarrels of the parties, especially within the Christian Democratic bloc, had destroyed the hope of veterans for a better future, and it was thus indirectly implied that a resetting of the country’s political system back to the way it had been in 1919–1920 was necessary.
67. When comparing the names of those involved in the Christian Democratic clandestine far right wing with the list of S.K.S. members, one does not find any matching names. The S.K.S. list was compiled by the Political Police sometime in early 1929, presumably as a result of the growing tension between President Smetona and Prime Minister Voldemaras (LCVA 378-10-622, 14–15). The Union, like the “Iron Wolf,” was following Voldemaras’ policies.
68. Secret S.K.S. Central’s pamphlet. 20 April 1928. LCVA 378-13-41, 6–7.
69. Secret report to the head of the Political Police. 3 March 1924. LCVA 378-2-8081, 8.
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Vytautas Petronis
Vytautas Petronis is a former postdoc at the Herder-Institute, Marburg, currently researcher at the Lithuanian Institute of History, Vilnius. He is engaged in studying interwar Lithuanian paramilitary organization “Iron Wolf” (1928–1930). He is also the author of Constructing Lithuania: Ethnic Mapping in Tsarist Russia, ca. 1800–1914 (Stockholm, Intellecta, 2007).