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Articles

The perspective of multi-religious Society on Islamization policy in Malaysia

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Pages 196-213 | Published online: 06 Jun 2016
 

ABSTRACT

Support for Islam has often been described as part of the Malaysian government’s drive for Islamization, commonly known as ‘Islamization policy’. The concept of an ‘Islamization policy’ is contested, open to various interpretations since it is not officially defined in any government blueprint. This paper highlights the perspectives of a number of religious groups on Islamization policy. The study covered the period from 1981 until 2009, which includes the Mahathir Mohamed and Abdullah Ahmad Badawi administrations. Using a policy analysis lens, the paper focuses on the perspective of the groups regarding the idea of Islamization as a public policy; the meaning and status of Islamization policy. The patterns indicate that the views are more complex than just ‘for’ and ‘against,’ although the patterns of perception are based on two divergent views: those who support the policy (the proponents) and those who oppose it (the opponents). This diversity is significant in that it helps to provide a better understanding of some multi-religious perspectives towards Islamization policy, as well as highlighting the different interests and concerns of both Muslim and non-Muslim communities towards the policy.

Notes on contributors

Zatul Himmah Adnan, PhD, is a senior lecturer at Department of Government and Civilization Studies, Faculty of Human Ecology, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia.

Noore Alam Siddiquee, PhD, is Associate Professor and Head, Discipline of Politics and Public Policy, School of Social and Policy Studies, Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia.

Jo Baulderstone, PhD, is Associate Professor/Adjunct at School of Social and Policy Studies, Flinders University, Adelaide, Australia.

Notes

1 There was much debate among the constitution’s framers regarding the role of Islam as the ‘official religion’ (see Fernando, Citation2006; Ibrahim, Citation1979).

2 Article 12(2): ‘Every religious group has the right to establish and maintain institutions for the education of children in its own of religion in any law relating to such institutions or in the administration of any such law; but it shall be lawful for the Federation or a State to establish or maintain or assist in establishing or maintaining Islamic institutions or provide or assist in providing instruction in the religion of Islam and incur such expenditure as may be necessary for the purpose’. This article requires an allocation of budget and facilities for Islamic schools where there are at least 15 Muslim students.

3 PAS advocated that the Hudud laws (penal code of Shari’ah) should replace the criminal laws as currently exist.

4 Article 121(1A) states that the High Court ‘shall have no jurisdiction in respect of any matter within the jurisdiction of the Shari’ah courts'. The amendment aims to prevent Shari’ah court decisions being reversed by the civil courts. Prior to the amendment, the civil court could override Shari’ah court cases as federal laws applied to the Muslims too. There were cases of Islamic family disputes being ‘interfered’ in by the High Court, causing conflict between these two court systems.

5 The Moorthy case attracted much attention from both Muslims and non-Muslims concerning the question of conversion and burial dispute. Moorthy Maniam was a Hindu, and after his death in 2005, the family was informed by the Selangor Islamic Department that he had converted to Islam. Moorthy's widow applied to the High Court (civil court) for a declaration that her husband was Hindu. While waiting for the hearing, the Selangor Shari’ah High Court gave an order that the body had to be buried in accordance with Islamic rites since he had embraced Islam. The case created anger because the Shari’ah court decision was made without any reference to the deceased's wife. The body then was buried by the Islamic authorities without consulting the wife and family.

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