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Articles

Sport and National Identity: A Comparison of the 2006 and 2010 FIFA World Cups™

Pages 277-293 | Published online: 16 Apr 2008
 

Abstract

Big sport events may strengthen negative nationalism or alternatively fuel positive patriotism. The 2006 FIFA World™ Cup held in Germany enabled Germans to express certain types of identities. Given Germany's history, there is the question whether this was accompanied with xenophobia. In South Africa, the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ is in part held to transcend deeply entrenched social cleavages and to help foster national cohesion. This article explores the way in which large-scale sport events such as the FIFA world tournament can influence processes related to national identity construction. Through an analysis of the social effects of the 2006 finals held in Germany some prospects are raised for the 2010 World Cup. Empirical data show that the 2006 tournament did not contribute to sustainable patriotism but it did have small effects in reducing xenophobia. Hereby it enhances a longer-established trend. Although there are cases of violence against foreigners in East Germany, xenophobia has been diminishing since the 1980s. National pride, too, has been growing since then. In South Africa national pride is much stronger, although it is diminishing within the white population. However, national identity is cross-cut by stronger racial identities. In spite of the implementation of certain policies by the national government, xenophobia against African foreigners is becoming a latent phenomenon. Major sport events can be used to promote values such as team spirit and discipline, but also at a wider level, tolerance, multiculturalism and solidarity.

Notes

1. This was wrongly translated as ‘Time to make friends’. This can be seen as a special incentive for English supporters. The French and Spanish translations of this slogan are more accurate and closer to the German slogan (‘El mundo entre amigos’).

2. Smith (Smith and Seokho, Citation2006) use a ‘sum index’ with this question and three other questions to measure nationalism. Indices make it more difficult to attribute certain effects.

3. These data are confirmed by survey data in early July 2006 (infratest dimap, 2006.) Other survey data using the same concept show a stronger increase of national pride (Becker et al., Citation2007). In contrast Becker et al. Citation(2007) show a growing nationalism. In their survey data in 2002, 75.5 per cent were proud to be German. This rose to 79.5 per cent in early 2006. After the World Cup this indicator went up to 86.5 per cent. Becker et al. use this general question on pride, together with the question of pride in German history as an index and an indicator for nationalism. Patriotism in their concept is measured by an index combining pride in social security and pride in German democracy. This index on patriotism was even lower after the World Cup.

4. This tendency is also shown by Heitmeyer Citation(2006). When confronted with the statement, ‘There are too many foreigners living in Germany’ in early 2006, 50.6 per cent of respondents ‘(strongly) agreed’. After the World Cup this indicator dropped slightly to 47 per cent. In this survey, the indicator ‘When jobs are scarce, foreigners should be sent home’ dropped insignificantly from 26.9 to 25.6 affirmative responses (Heitmeyer, Citation2006).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Norbert Kersting

* Deutscher Akademischer Austausch Dienst (DAAD) and Willy Brant Chair of Transformation and Regional Integration, University of Stellenbosch, Department of Political Science. Email: [email protected]

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