Narrating the state in miniature: philatelic representations of Kazakhstan, 1992–2021

ABSTRACT

Postage stamps, despite being somewhat cloaked over time by both obscurity and sheer ubiquity, are important official, primary source state documents. The iconography and visual data on the stamp have been used by states to project an official narrative, at times crossing into propaganda. Scholars have analysed these data to access how a given state has sought to portray itself to both domestic and international audiences. Over the course of its first 30 years of post-Soviet independence, Kazakhstan has produced 1130 visually distinct postage stamps. Visual content analysis reveals that much (nearly 45%) of this state’s philatelic representation can be assigned to two thematic categories: Nature and Notable People. Iconographic representations found on Kazakhstan’s first stamp issue (and others featuring the Golden Man), selected representations of flora and fauna species, a selection of stamps displaying Nursultan Nazarbayev imagery, and other selected stamps displaying multiple themes are scrutinized. These representations additionally project a concretization of the state and its territory, as well as sovereignty. While the messaging medium is miniature, for Kazakhstan the narrative itself is monumental.

KEYWORDS:

• Postage stamps
• Kazakhstan
• civic nationalism
• sovereignty

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges with gratitude Alexander C. Diener and the Department of Geography and Atmospheric Science, University of Kansas. Additional gratitude to Catherine Bentley. The detailed and well-considered comments and suggestions provided by two anonymous reviewers also significantly improved this article.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes

1 This statement largely reflects the author’s personal experience and observations living and working in Almaty, Kazakhstan, for nearly two decades. Anecdotal evidence gleaned from conversations with Almaty residents as well as KIMEP University employees, faculty and students also substantiates this observation. The veracity of this statement surely exhibits spatial variation globally (compared with the United States, for example) and ‘testing’ this notion across the entirety of Kazakhstani territory (e.g., other cities, rural regions) offers opportunities for future research. The focus here is less on the reception (as in seeing or viewing audience), but more on the production of official, philatelic iconography and narrative.

2 A state, put simply, is a political, territorial unit with some sort of sovereign governmental/administrative system and what can be described as international recognition (e.g., de Blij and Muller 2002). The Republic of Kazakhstan (a state) is represented on its postage stamps. These official statist documents are produced under the auspices of the state. Any references to or implications of state ‘agency’ should be interpreted to be references to actions taken by individuals (from the Kazakhstan government, regime or so-called ‘elites’).

3 Official website for Samruk-Kazyna, https://sk.kz/. State control of the fund effectively translates into state control of the individual companies (including Kazpost), substantiating the notion that postage stamps in Kazakhstan are entirely official state products. As pointed out by Peyrouse (2016, 39), the impetus for creation of this fund ‘was to reinforce the role of the state in the economy’.

4 Of particular note here are Aliya Moldagulova and Manshuk Mametova, Kazakhstani Great Patriotic War heroes. After Soviet cosmonaut Valentina Tereshkova (the first woman in space), Moldagulova and Mametova are the most represented women on Kazakhstan’s postage stamps. For more on how representations of these women have contributed to state-building in Kazakhstan, see Rees (2020).

5 The obelisk independence monument features the Golden Man atop a winged snow leopard at the top, with a replica Kazakhstan constitution, opened, at its base. On the left side appears ‘Choose and be in bliss’; on the right is an imprint of Nursultan Nazarbayev’s right hand.

6 The primacy and centrality of President Nazarbayev in Kazakhstani state-building across the time period covered in this paper (including after his nominal ‘retirement' in 2019) is taken as axiomatic locally and has been well articulated across an array of scholarly outlets (see e.g. Ambrosio and Lange (2014); Adams and Rustemova (2009); Cummings (2005, 2006); Dave (2007); Isaacs (2010, 2022): Koch (2013b); Kudaibergenova (2020); Ó Beacháin and Kevlihan (2013); Peyrouse, 2016; Schatz (2008, 2009)). For the purposes of this paper, the focus is not so much the state-building projects initiated by Nazarbayev, but rather the iconographic representations of the man. These images and representations, as well as the imaginaries they help to foster, have been, are, and will continue to be important for Kazakhstani state building. Kudaibergenova (2020) reminds us that even after his ‘departure’ the Nazarbayev imaginary “remains and will remain one of the most powerful discourses on which political elites and nationalizing regimes can build their legitimacy and political messages” (17).

7 Kazakhstan's first three stamp issues in 1992 featured, in addition to the state name in Kazakh language, an English language version as well. In these cases the state name was spelled “Kazahstan.” Kazakhstan's fourth stamp, a 1992 representation of the Kazakhstani flag and coat of arms, declares the state name only in Kazakh language. The “Kazakh only” naming trend continued throughout 1993 and 1994. Starting in 1995, with the first stamp issue of that year, An English toponym re-appeared, though this time spelled “Kazakstan.” This English spelling appears on all postage stamps issued in 1995, 1996, and well into 1997. A four-stamp set featuring arachnids (released November 26, 1997) are the first postage stamps to feature the state name spelled in English as “Kazakhstan.” This state name announcement (in both Kazakh and English languages) continues to this day.

8 The 2006 release of Cohen's Borat: Cultural Learnings of America for Make Benefit Glorious Nation of Kazakhstan and, more specifically, the Kazakhstani government's initial reaction to it prompted Saunders (2008) to accurately assess an “acute sensitivity” (p. 70) around Kazakhstan's international image and/or reputation. See also Schatz (2008). Ó Beacháin (2011) offers analysis of the local, Kazakhstani response to the movie and its perceived implications for Kazakhstan. A central element of identity or image, it would seem is the name of the state. Toponymic uncertainty came to the fore in Kazakhstan in 2014 when Nursultan Nazarbayev suggested changing the name “Kazakhstan” (land of the Kazakhs) to “Kazakh Yeli” (Kazakh state). For more on this see Lillis (2014) or Diener (2016). As described earlier (see Endnote 7) Kazakhstan was not indicated correctly in its English language form on its postage stamps until late in 1997 following two different errors.