The Italian middle school in a deregulation era: modernity through path-dependency and global models

Abstract

In the current context of intensified moves towards educational deregulation, the configuration of the Italian middle school and its relationship to education governance is an interesting case. Historically, it represents a unique example of the successful ‘decision-making' model of the welfarist era. Despite some internal constraints, at the end of the 1970s it was considered a progressive model of schooling for its time. At present, however, internal institutional processes and path-dependencies have rendered its comprehensiveness relatively formalised and weak. A key finding of this article is that ideas, such as the ‘two people’ theory, have played a crucial role in shaping actors' strategies and goals, while references to world models, in particular the English model, have mediated the reception of global policies. Cultural factors, such as the role played by families, are deeply linked to structural issues and inequalities. An ethnographic account depicts a welfarist institution whose internal processes and links to the wider society may be seen as an example of Italian modernity that ‘speaks for itself’. Fieldwork clarifies the role of the teachers in mediating a path-dependent and cultural reproduction pattern. I argue that partial deregulation is a major source of inequalities at the middle school level, engendered by both new and old mechanisms, which further intensifies a selective path in education. This analysis will show how global deregulation trends meet local and enduring path-dependencies.

Acknowledgements

This article was first developed from an invited lecture on the Italian system of education, thanks to Susanne Wiborg. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Comparative Education reviewers and editorial board.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.

Notes on contributor

Monica E. Mincu is Senior Lecturer in Comparative Education, University of Torino, Italy. She has conducted comparative research on teacher education and Eastern European and Italian education.

Notes

1. In 2008, parents were the main private contributors, with 14.7%. The state contributed 66.3%, the regions 3.8%, local institutions 7.2% (provincial, municipal, other public), and 35% came from the European Union (EU) (particularly in the case of the Southern Italian regions) (Granello 2010).

2. Subsequent policy processes have stagnated as ‘political non-decisions' (Benadusi 1989) and an acute intensification of the political contrapositions.

3. This is characterised by (1) income maintenance, as polarised protection offered by a wide range of agencies, (2) universal health care but a strong public–private mix, (3) the southern family as a social clearing house, and (4) public institutions as vulnerable to partisan pressures and manipulations, political clientelism or outright corruption (Ferrera 1996).

4. PISA 2000 showed that ‘[t]he average score in high schools in North-Western regions was 572 against 503 in the South; the corresponding values for vocational schools were 473 and 398, respectively' (Checchi and Peragine 2005, 15).

5. For instance, there may be one pre-school, three elementary and one middle schools or other local arrangements. These schools have been created at different times and may have various traditions which pre-date their comprehensive grouping.

6. The OECD average for two or more choices was about 40% of head teachers, and for at least one school, 78%.

7. Municipalities manage educational services such as school meals. This means that prices may widely vary with the financial situation of single cities and with parents' income, reaching peaks of 7/8 euro per day per meal for pupils with both working parents. This is perceived as an unfair price since quality is low in some large urban areas, while packed lunch solutions are not allowed at lower school levels or in certain areas. Other school costs are also covered through families' contributions.

8. See Ronfeldt, Loeb, and Wyckoff (2013).

9. Informal discussion with four teachers after systematic lesson observations during a three-month period, three of them of special education, in the same ‘section'.

10. Teacher education for secondary schools has been traditionally provided on an ad hoc basis through myriad local and national solutions, including nationally organised selections and different parallel scrolling lists for people in possession of a degree. Thus, their pedagogical professional training is quite different, ranging from no initial training to an ad hoc or special programme. Two of the interviewees hold a special education qualification and their work should be with the class as a whole. In practice, their work involves mostly ability grouping in the classroom setting and more frequently outside.

11. The 34 hours a week include not only 9 hours of Italian and humanities, six of maths and science, but also technology, music, physical education, English and a second European language. However, teachers complain of an academically unbalanced offering, a clear undervaluation of practical and manual activities and insufficient hours of physical education. At the same time, teachers' autonomy on curriculum matters appears as more significant, at least on paper, under a national curriculum regime. As a rule, the head teacher cannot interfere with teachers' work.