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Abstract
The ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ (GSI FS 1.2.001) is a copy of the southern half of a lost late eighteenth / early nineteenth century map of County Kerry, in southwestern Ireland. Geological annotations on the map are traced to specific episodes (c.1820, 1838 and 1844) in the unofficial geological survey of Ireland conducted by Richard (later Sir Richard) Griffith between 1811 and 1855. The Griffith provenance of the map is part of the evidence used to identify the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ as a derivative of the now lost Grand Jury map of Kerry made by the American émigré artist and cartographer Henry Pelham.
Dr Jean B. Archer was formerly a geologist in the Geological Survey of Ireland.
Acknowledgements
I am indebted firstly to Dr C. E. Williams who during his directorship of the Geological Survey of Ireland gave me every encouragement to assemble together the Survey's historical records, including papers lodged with the GSI since its foundation in 1845. I am also most grateful to the Survey's recently retired assistant director, Dr R. R. Horne, for his unfailing interest in the development of the survey's archives and to the Survey's present director Dr P. McArdle for his interest in my findings since my retirement from the Survey in 1997. Peter Cassells kindly brought the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ to my attention. John Andrews most generously provided guidance at various stages of this study and as the referee for this article. Especial thanks also are due to Peter Harbison and Noel Kissane. I am also indebted to Geoff Armitage, Valery Bary, Paul Caffrey, David Davison, Edwin Davison, Paul Ferguson, Joanna Finegan, Siobhan Fitzpatrick, Richard Harworth, Elizabeth Holden, Elizabeth Kirwan, John Knightly, Maud Levis, Gerard Lyne, Alison McCann, Margaret‐Mary O Mahony and Matthew Parkes.
Notes
Dr Jean B. Archer was formerly a geologist in the Geological Survey of Ireland.
1. Richard John Griffith, A General Map of Ireland to Accompany the Report of the Railway Commissioners shewing the Physical Features and Geological Structure of the Country (Dublin, 1839). This 1:253 440 map represented Ireland's geological structure in broad outline. Geologically detailed versions of the map were issued in 1852 and 1855. See Gordon Leslie [Herries] Davies, ‘Notes on the various issues of Sir Richard Griffith's quarter‐inch geological map of Ireland’, Imago Mundi 29 (1971): 35–44. For a discussion of the dispersal of Griffith's geological archive, see Jean B. Archer and G. L. Herries Davies, ‘Geological field‐sheets from County Galway by Patrick Ganly (?1809–1899)’, Journal of Earth Sciences, Royal Dublin Society 4 (1982): 167–79.
2. The Grand Jury of each county was the principal organ of local government in Ireland until its administrative function was transferred to the newly formed County Councils in 1898. The Grand Jury maps were county maps that were produced from 1774 with the benefit of financial incentives provided by the Irish Parliament. See John Harwood Andrews, Plantation Acres: An Historical Study of the Irish Land Surveyor and His Maps (Belfast, Ulster Historical Foundation, 1985), 349. At the end of the eighteenth‐century only eleven of Ireland's thirty‐two counties had published county maps (J. H. Andrews, Shapes of Ireland—Maps and Their Makers 1564–1839 (Dublin, Geography Publications, 1997), 215, Fig. 8.1).
3. George Frederick Beltz, quoted in Gerard Lyne, ‘George Frederick Beltz Lancaster Herald and his quest in Ireland in 1802 for the ancestry of Sir Richard Joseph O'Sullivan, Pt IV’, The Irish Genealogist 6 (1980–1985), 781. The American identity of the Henry Pelham who was active in Ireland is established from information contained in a history of his extended family (Martha Babcock Amory, The Domestic and Artistic Life of John Singleton Copley R.A. (Boston, Houghton, Miflin, 1882), 129–31).
4. Evidence of early field use for the northeastern sheet of the map and the northern half of its northwestern sheet lies in the vertical damage loss suggestive of relic crease lines and former concertina‐wise folding of these parts of the map. The map's present supportive backing consists of heavyweight wove paper supported on a fine weave linen canvas (unpublished conservation report prepared by Sarah McCartan, Conservator in the Delmas Conservation Bindery, Archbishop Marsh's Library, Dublin). This backing post‐dates the first geological field use of the tracing in c.1820, but pre‐dates its use as a geological field sheet in April 1838, when one geological note was written across a hole in the map onto its backing paper (right of centre, square 1.4 of Fig. 2).
5. The mountains and their given heights (in feet) are as follows—with actual heights (again in feet) in brackets—Aughatubrid 1550 (1423); Benetee 1262 (1245); Cullee 1500 (2258); Knock? 215? (this summit overlooks Ballinaskelligs Bay and is part of a ridge with an average summit height of 2018 feet); Knocknadubbar 2000 (2267).
6. Isaac Weld, Illustrations of the Scenery of Killarney and the Surrounding Country (London, Longmans, 1812), 216.
7. From a notice placed by the Barrack Office in the Dublin Evening Post, 10 August 1811, and cited by Arnold Horner, Iveragh in 1811: Alexander Nimmo's Map of the Bogs Commissioners of 1809–1814 (Dublin, Glen Maps, 2002), 25, n.9.
8. The tower is identifiable as the folly that now stands derelict in the grounds of that part of the Killarney National Park known today as Lord Brandon's Cottage.
9. Charles Vallancey, An Account of the Ancient Stone Amphitheatre lately discovered in the County of Kerry (Dublin, 1812), 1.
10. Daniel Beaufort, journal entry for 28 August 1788 (Beaufort Papers, Trinity College Dublin (hereafter TCD) Ms 4030). The Reverend and Mrs Stewart, whose vicarage had been requisitioned as a barrack, played host to Beaufort in Pelham's absence. Lansdowne Lodge was demolished in 1988 (G. Lyne, The Lansdowne Estate in Kerry under the Agency of William Steuart Trench 1849–72 (Dublin, Geography Publications, 2001), 181).
11. C. Vallancey, Collectanea de Rebus Hibernicis, Vol. 6, Pt. 1 (Dublin, 1804), 172.
12. The boundaries of baronies are represented on the map by neatly executed black pecked lines that are highlighted in red.
13. Alex Krieger and David Cobb, Mapping Boston (Boston, MIT Press, 1999), 185, with reference to Henry Pelham, A Plan of Boston in New England with its Environs (London, 1777). The British withdrew from Boston 17 March 1776.
14. Paul Revere, The Bloody Massacre perpetrated in King Street (Boston, Paul Revere, 1770). Pelham's anger at the piracy of his plate is vented in a letter he addressed to Revere on 29 March 1770. See Charles Francis Adams Jr, Worthington Chancery Ford and Guernsey Jones, Letters and Papers of John Singleton Copley and Henry Pelham 1739–1776 (Boston, Massachusetts Historical Society, 1914), 83. Only two copies of Pelham's engraving survive (James Thomas Flexner, America's Old Masters: Benjamin West, John Singleton Copley, Charles Wilson Peale and Gilbert Stuart (New York, Viking Press, 1939, rev. Dover Press ed., 1967) 131).
15. Biographic material, unless otherwise indicated, is derived from Peter Harbison, ‘Henry Pelham (1749–1806): painter, engraver, engineer, map‐maker and illustrator of Clare's Antiquities’, in County Clare Studies: Essays in Memory of Gerald O'Connell, Sean O Murchadha, Thomas Coffey and Pat Flynn, ed. Ciaran O Muchadha (Ennis, Clare Archaeological Society, 2000), 72–100.
16. Boy with a Squirrel became the first American painting to be exhibited overseas when it was sent to London and included in the spring 1766 exhibition of the Royal Society of Artists. The painting elicited Sir Joshua Reynold's wonderment that such a fine portrait could emanate from an American untutored by experience in Europe (Janet L. Commey, in, Carrie Rebora and Paul Statti, John Singleton Copley in America (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1995), 215).
17. Adams, Ford and Jones, Letters and Papers (see note 14), 320–25.
18. Ibid., 346.
19. Pelham's bride was Catherine Butler of Castle Cryne. The date of their marriage licence is torn from the page, but is bracketed by adjoining entries in the register to sometime between 25 August 1780 and 21 September 1780 (National Archives of Ireland (hereafter NAI), ‘Killaloe Court and Register Book 1707–1846’, 4 206 31). The marriage was tragically short lived. Twin sons survived the birth that cost their mother her life.
20. Henry Pelham, The County of Clare in the Province of Munster and the Kingdom of Ireland (London, 1787). In 1989 the map was republished on a slightly reduced scale (Dublin, Phoenix Maps, 1989).
21. The date of Pelham's commission to undertake the Grand Jury survey of Kerry is inferred from a citation of National Archive document HO 100/21/206 in Harbison ‘Henry Pelham’ (see note 15), 90, 99 n.51. The Kerry map took thirteen years to complete.
22. To the contemporary sources cited in Harbison, ‘Henry Pelham’ (see note 15), may now be added Pelham's anonymous obituarist. This person lamented the loss of ‘one of the most rational and satisfactory Histories of the ancient state of the country ever attempted’ and referred to this unfinished and now lost work as the outcome of Pelham's ‘long and persevering researches which he was for near 20 years making into Antiquities of the South of Ireland’ (Cork Advertiser and Commercial Register, 27 September 1806).
23. Cork Advertiser and Commercial Register, 18 August 1801, cited in Andrews, Plantation Acres (see note 2), 363, n.83.
24. Evidently agricultural aspects of this survey were undertaken by one Charles O'Brien, see M. G. Moyles and P. de Brun, ‘Charles O'Brien's Agricultural Survey of Kerry, 1800’, Journal of the Kerry Archaeological and Historical Society 1 (1968): 74–76. The Dublin Society's statistical survey of Kerry was never published.
25. The date of Pelham's Bear Island appointment is inferred from the date of the commencement of the construction of the emergency fortifications there, see W. H. Clements, Towers of Strength: The Story of Martello Towers (Barnsley, Leo Books, 1999), 65. The post of Assistant Engineer is specified on Pelham's 1804 map of the island (see note 26 which follows).
26. L.H. and J.D. (after Henry Pelham), ‘Map of the Bear Haven and the Great Bear Island’, June 1804 (National Archives of Scotland RHP 3194). This manuscript copy of Pelham's map, now with the Dundas Family Papers (NAS GD51), was probably among the papers left by Henry Dundas, first Viscount Melville (1742–1811), who was First Lord of the Admiralty from mid‐May 1804 until early May 1805.
27. Cork Advertiser and Commercial Register, 27 September 1806. Drowning is the most frequently cited cause of Pelham's death, but no mention of such a tragic ending is made either in his death notices or as a news item in the local papers. Nor is any light shed on the subject by the source cited in the Marquis of Lansdowne, Glanerought and the Petty‐Fitzmaurices (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1937), 88. Possibly there is truth in the early 19th century report by a local antiquarian that Pelham died of a seizure after rowing across, not the Kenmare River (as reported) but across Bear Haven Sound or even Bantry Bay. Richard Hitchcock (1824–1850), quoted in Thomas O'Sullivan, Romantic Hidden Kerry (Tralee, Kerryman, 1931), 619, n.334.
28. Pelham's unmarked place of burial is recorded in the journal of the antiquarian John Windele, who visited the grave in the late 1830s or the early 1840s (John Windele, ‘Topography of Cork, Kerry, Clare and Limerick’, Royal Irish Academy (hereafter RIA), 12 c 3). The site of Pelham's grave remains undisturbed, and unmarked, in its tranquil corner of a graveyard that commands magnificent views across the Kenmare River.
29. Cork Advertiser and Commercial Register, 18 August 1801. Pelham's own name last appears on the list of grand jurors for Kerry in 1803 according to a late nineteenth century feature article, ‘Names on “Old Kerry Grand Juries”’, attributable to the Kerry historian Mary Agnes Hickson (1826–1899). I am grateful to Peter Harbison for drawing my attention to the existence of this article as an undated paste‐down in ‘Cuttings from the Kerry Evening Post’, RIA RRG/25/G.
30. The notice last appeared in the issue of the Cork Advertiser and Commercial Register for 12 September 1801.
31. Eighteenth‐century engraved maps exist for eleven of Ireland's thirty‐two counties, see J. H. Andrews, Shapes of Ireland (note 2), 215, Fig. 8.1.
32. See ‘Names on “Old Kerry Grand Juries” (note 29). Reference also is made to such sketches in the county surveyor's office in Jeremiah King, County Kerry Past and Present (Tralee, Kerryman, 1931), 264. King's Pelham material evidently is derived directly from the aforementioned article and hardly can be taken as evidence of the whereabouts of the sketches in the fourth decade of the twentieth century.
33. No trace of the map was known in the 1930s according to the Marquis of Lansdowne, Glanerought and the Petty‐Fitzmaurices (see note 27), 79. John Andrews kindly informs me that his attempts to find the map met with failure, as did my own and those of Gerard Lyne (see Lyne, ‘George Frederick Beltz’ (note 3), 786, n.17).
34. The commissioners received a ‘Box containing map of Kerry’ on 23 January 1837 (Railway Commission Minute Book, NAI 2D 59 51). The identity of the boxed map is not specified. That it was the Grand Jury map can be inferred from other references and not least from reference to the use of the Grand Jury maps in the initial compilation of the southern part of the railway map (Commissioners to Thomas Colby, 28 May 1837. Railway Commission Letterbook, NAI 2D 59 52).
35. Minutes for 30 November 1836 (Railway Commission Minute Book, NAI 2D 59 51), and letter from the commissioners to the Kerry county surveyor, 11 January 1837 (Railway Commission Letterbook, NAI 2D 59 52).
36. Commissioners to the Kerry county surveyor, 12 December 1837 (Railway Commission Letterbook, NAI 2D 59 53).
37. Irish Grand Juries were empowered to levy up to £10 per separate barony map under 24 Geo. Chap. 42, Section 6.
38. J. H. Andrews, A Paper Landscape: The Ordnance Survey in Nineteenth‐Century Ireland (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1975), 333.
39. For a history of Griffith's unofficial geological survey of Ireland, see G. L. Herries Davies, Sheets of Many Colours: The Mapping of Ireland's Rocks 1750–1890 (Dublin, Royal Dublin Society, 1983), 35–51.
40. Griffith's survey, it must be stressed, was wholly independent of the official Geological Survey of Ireland (founded 1845). For a history of the official Geological Survey of Ireland, see G. L. Herries Davies, North from the Hook: 150 Years of the Geological Survey of Ireland (Dublin, Geological Survey of Ireland, 1995).
41. Ganly's role in the geological exploration of Ireland became known through the discovery of three bound volumes of his twice‐weekly letters to Griffith which describe his geological findings during the seven year period 1837–1844 (RIA, 12 e 26–12 e 28). See Robert C. Simington and Anthony Farrington, ‘A forgotten pioneer, Patrick Ganly, geologist, surveyor and civil engineer (1809–1899)’, Journal of the Department of Agriculture, Republic of Ireland 46 (1949): 35–50.
42. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2004), 21: 287. See also Simington and Farrington ‘A forgotten pioneer’ (note 41).
43. The encomium continued, ‘the singular accuracy and breadth of treatment [of the revised Griffith map] have been amply proved by the subsequent work of the Geological Survey’ (Archibald Geikie, The Founders of Geology, 2nd ed. (London, MacMillan 1905, reprinted, New York, Dover Press, 1962), 455). Geikie was uniquely placed to make such an assessment. As the Director General of the Geological Survey of Great Britain and Ireland (1882–1901), he had presided over the completion of the official Geological Survey of Ireland, which had been plotted on 1:10 560 scale maps and taken forty years to bring to completion. See Herries Davies, North from the Hook (note 40), 27, 98–100.
44. Jean B. Archer, ‘Richard Griffith and the first published geological maps of Ireland’, in Gordon L. Herries Davies and R. C. Mollan, Richard Griffith 1784–1878 (Dublin, Royal Dublin Society, 1980), 149, Fig. 7.2.
45. Ganly, ‘Geological Letters’ (see note 41), RIA 12 e 26.
46. Richard Griffith, The Lakes of Killarney (Dublin, Quartermaster Generals Office, undated), NLI 16 H 10. This map is dateable to the early 1820s, since it includes the lakeside road, called the ‘Line of New Road’, from Clogheen to the site now known as The Ladies' View. This road was completed in or about 1823 (Bill Quirke, ‘Notes on the region of Barnasnaw, its population and routes through it in historic and pre‐historic times’, Journal of the Kerry Archaeological and Historical Society 28 (1999, for 1995): 122).
47. The ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ is the only field sheet known to survive from the early phase (pre‐1822) of Griffith's geological survey of Ireland. The only rival claimant as an older Irish geological field sheet is a sparsely annotated sketch geological map of Ireland formerly in the possession of Alexander Nimmo, see Herries Davies, Sheets of Many Colours (note 39), 52–53.
48. Comparison has been made with geological formations as depicted on Marcus Pracht, ‘Geology of Cork and Kerry’, Sheet 21, Bedrock Geological 1:100,000 Map Series (Dublin, Geological Survey of Ireland, 1997).
49. Richard Griffith, ‘Map of the County of Kerry in which the Boundaries of the Several Estates belonging to Trinity College Dublin are accurately laid down in their proper situation’, 1820 (TCD, MS Me 23).
50. For an account of Griffith's planned map of Ireland, see Herries Davies, Sheets of Many Colours (note 39), 44–46.
51. The similarity in style of relief representation on the appended southwestern sheet of the south Kerry manuscript map and on Griffith's Kerry college estate map (see note 49) should not pass without notice. Possibly both were drawn by John Kelly, who is known to have been the colourist of the map in one of Griffith's published mining reports, see Herries Davies Sheets of Many Colours (see note 39), 26.
52. The other maps with which the south Kerry manuscript map was compared are Charles Smith, The antient and present state of the County of Kerry (Dublin, Physico‐Historical Society, 1756); Charles Vallancey's late eighteenth century military maps of Munster (see John H. Andrews, ‘Charles Vallancey and the map of Ireland’, Geographical Journal 132 (1966): 48–61); and the Kerry maps of Alexander Nimmo, The fourth report of the commissioners appointed to enquire into the nature and extent of the several bogs in Ireland and the practicability of draining them (London, House of Commons, 1813–1814), plates I–VII. The portrayal of the coastline on the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ has no close relationship with the relevant chart of Murdoch McKenzie Sr, Maritime Survey of Ireland, Chart XVIII, the South coast of Ireland from Dursey Head to Valentia Sound (London, 1775). For Griffith's college estates map see note 49.
53. Richard Griffith, Letter to the Royal Dublin Society describing the proposed plan for constructing an accurate geological and topographical Map of Ireland (Dublin, Royal Dublin Society, 1821). 5.
54. Griffith to George Bellas Greenough, 12 July 1818, and Griffith to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 25 March 1844, in Herries Davies, Sheets of Many Colours (see note 39), 45 and 115–16.
55. Porter's map is known only from its inclusion in William Bald's list of Irish county maps, which appears in Report of the Select Committee on Survey and Valuation of Ireland (London, House of Commons, 1824). 65. Bald does not identify Porter as Robert Porter, whose was active in northern Ireland, but Porter is identified as the Porter who made a Kerry county map in Sarah Bendall, Dictionary of Land Surveyors and Local Map‐Makers of Great Britain and Ireland, 2nd ed. (London, British Library, 1997), 2: 412. That Porter's Kerry map predated 1812 may be implied from Alexander Nimmo's reference to his own manuscript portrayal of Glenflesk, southeast of Killarney, being taken from ‘the county maps’ (Nimmo, ‘Bogs in the southeastern portion of the district of Kerry’ (1812), NLI 16 E 2). The implication of Nimmo's use of the plural ‘maps’ is that Pelham's map was not the only county map then in existence and that Porter's Kerry county map had been completed by the time of Nimmo's survey in 1811.
56. Larkin's map is known primarily through its frequent citation in the 1840s Ordnance Survey name books for Kerry, wherein the map is dated ‘1814’.
57. For a recent account of Nimmo's Kerry bog survey and a facsimile edition of his map of the Barony of Iveragh, see Horner, Iveragh in 1811 (note 7), 1–26 and map.
58. Nimmo, ‘Bogs in the southwestern part of the district of Kerry’ (see note 55).
59. ‘Names on “Old Kerry Grand Juries”’ (see note 29).
60. John Andrews kindly informs me that the county maps listed in the Report of the Select Committee on Survey and Valuation of Ireland (see note 55), 65, were based on original surveys: but, Kerry was one of the few counties that did not reply to the Valuation Committee's questionnaire survey which casts some doubt on Bald's information.
61. The correspondence between place‐names quoted from the barony maps and from Larkin's map provides tangible evidence that Larkin's map was indeed derived from Pelham's survey, with some variation in spelling. Nimmo also evidently derived his place‐names from Pelham, but almost invariably changed their spelling.
62. Henry Pelham, ‘Sketch of the Estate of the Most Noble Marquis of Lansdowne in the Parishes of Kenmare and Tsuoist in the Barony of Glanerough and County of Kerry’ (photographic copy, NLI Acc. No. 5460 from the original in private hands). This map represents the country at the head of the Kenmare River and to its south. Place‐name spellings on the map match those in the Lansdowne estate roll as quoted in the apposite Ordnance Survey name books for Kerry.
63. Half a dozen estate maps copied and signed by Pelham in 1804 are contained in John Powell, ‘A book of topographical maps and plans of severall farms and denominations of land situated at and near Nedeen in the Parish of Kenmare barony of Glanerough and County of Kerry belonging to the Right Honourable William Petty Earl of Shelburne’. This bound volume of miscellaneous manuscript estate maps is in the Bowood Papers, Bowood House, Wiltshire. The photographic copy of the volume in the National Library of Ireland, courtesy of the Marquis of Lansdowne, was consulted for the present study (NLI Acc. 5454).
64. ‘Plan of the Old Iron Works at Blackstones’ in Powell, ‘A book of topographical maps and plans’ (see note 63).
65. One map is a hand‐drawn copy, the other an engraved work; each map has passed through the hands of a third party. Additionally, relief on Pelham's County Clare was badly represented by the engraver according to Hely Dutton, Statistical Survey of the County of Clare (Dublin, Dublin Society, 1808), 354. The now lost original of the map was once in the possession of Sir Lucius O'Brien of Dromoland (Beaufort Papers (see note 10)). Harbison, ‘Henry Pelham’ (see note 15), 96, n.21, raised the possibility that the coloured copy of Pelham's Clare map in the O'Brien papers at Petworth might be the original of the map. I am grateful to Alison McCann of the West Sussex Record Office for informing me that the Petworth copy of the map is a coloured engraving.
66. William Larkin, ‘Maps of Manorhamilton in the County of Leitrim, 1807 (NLI 16 F 11).
67. Larkin, A map of the County of Galway in the Province of Connaught (London, 1819).
68. Larkin's county maps were protracted down from a scale of 4 inches to the Irish mile for publication on a scale of 2 inches to the Irish mile (Bald, Report of the Select Committee on Survey and Valuation of Ireland (see note 55), 64).
69. These tracings represent coastal outline, freshwater features and roads and give place‐names. Together they represent the whole of the Dingle Peninsula.
70. The scale and style of these sheets identify them as copies of maps by Alexander Nimmo, who was not previously known to have included any of the Dingle Peninsula in his Kerry survey (Horner, Iveragh in 1811 (see note 7), 24).
71. The scale of the Bog Commission survey. The sheets were not reused for geological purposes.
72. Ganly's first attempt to obtain traces of the barony maps took place on 31 March 1838 and his second attempt on 26 April 1838. Although the county surveyor had been forewarned by Griffith of Ganly's impending visit, he was turned away empty‐handed on the second occasion because he carried with him no letter of introduction (‘Geological Letters’ (see note 41), RIA 12 e 26).
73. Ganly to Griffith, from Tralee, 1 April 1838 (‘Geological Letters’ (see note 41), RIA 12 e 26).
74. The geological lines on the tracing of the western part of the Dingle Peninsula (GSI MC 1.3.02.001) were compiled from a water‐damaged field trace that has not survived and dated from mid‐April 1838. The existing tracing includes a geological note initialled by Ganly on 28 May 1838. The tracing itself came into Ganly's hands at the beginning of May 1838 (see Ganly to Griffith, 2 May 1838 (‘Geological Letters’ (see note 41), RIA 12 e 26)). The other Dingle tracing (GSI MC 1.3.02.002) includes geological lines that identify it as that sent by Ganly to Griffith on 2 May 1838. The revised geological lines on this tracing and its burden of geological notes are of slightly later date.
75. Thomas Logan received (20 October 1810) forty‐one pounds and twelve shillings for travelling to Kerry and making for the board of Trinity College Dublin copies of the maps of Kerry's eight baronies (TCD, MSS P/4/11). I am grateful to John Andrews for drawing my attention to this record of a set of now long lost barony maps.
76. The only alternatives would seem to be the barony maps in Tralee or some Pelham map acquired by Griffith from Pelham's papers, which reputedly ‘got into the hands of a woman who lived with him who disposed of them afterwards’ (Windele, ‘Topography of Cork’ (see note 28)). Logan's barony maps may also have been the source of the Dingle tracing (GSI MC 1.3.02.002) to which Ganly appended a few geological lines at the beginning of May 1838 (see note 69).
77. Griffith, in 1821, excluded parishes from the administrative districts he listed for inclusion on his planned map of Ireland (Griffith, Letter to the Royal Dublin Society (see note 53), 4). Parish information, additionally, would have had no practical value on a map, such as the South Kerry map, prepared for use in the field in remote mountain districts. Housing signs, on the other hand, would have provided field surveyors with useful points of reference for relating their ground positions to information on the map. The presence of housing signs on the South Kerry map represents another discrepancy between it and Pelham's published map of County Clare. However, the absence of house signs from Pelham's Clare map apparently was one of ‘the liberties taken by the engraver . . . who leaned too heavily on his graver when delineating the hills’ (Dutton, Statistical Survey of the County of Clare (see note 65), 354). Housing signs are found on peripheral parts of Pelham's Clare map where relief is omitted, including the Kerry side of the Shannon estuary.
78. The name ‘Cahirciveen’ post‐dates Pelham. Nimmo (1811) used the earlier form, ‘Cahir’, on his map of the Iveragh Peninsula. Neither the representation of housing nor of bogs on the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ is derived from Nimmo, but there is a remarkable coincidence between the heights Nimmo assigned to individual summits on his map of Iveragh Peninsula and the heights assigned these summits on the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ (see note 5). A discrepancy of 500 feet in the height assigned to Cullee Mountain and the absence from the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ of heights for Drung Mountain and for inland mountains raises the intriguing possibility that some of Nimmo's altitudes were derived from Pelham's map, or that the matching heights on both the ‘South Division of the County of Kerry’ and Nimmo's map were derived from either Larkin's map or Porter's map. However, it would have been out of character for Pelham not to attempt the determination of the altitude of Kerry's mountains, which were known to include the loftiest in Ireland. He had purchased in London instruments to measure the Transit of Mercury for the determination of the longitude of Loop Head. His return to Ireland is anticipated in an article published in The Hibernian Chronicle, 10 April 1786, and reproduced in Harbison ‘Henry Pelham’ (see note 15), 90.