Immigrant perceptions of ethnic and racial discrimination: patterns and singularities in a municipality in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area

Abstract

In Portugal, studies on discrimination against immigrants have focused almost exclusively either on the indigenous population, or on the foreign population. The former have tended to deploy quantitative and extended methodologies, while the latter studies have opted predominantly for qualitative or intensive methodologies, focusing on particular groups. There are few studies in which the immigrant population is extensively surveyed, covering its diverse origins, life trajectories, and social position in the host society.

In this analysis we examine the main factors that shape the perceptions of ethnic and racial discrimination among immigrant groups living in the Oeiras municipality in the Lisbon Metropolitan Area. This analysis is based on a quantitative analysis of a survey of 422 immigrants, of whom approximately half reported having been discriminated against since their arrival in Portugal. The study is focused on three main explanations related to predictive variables: sociographic, acculturation/cultural proximity, and opportunities for contact with the autochthonous population. A multivariate logistic regression demonstrates that there is a statistically significant relationship between perceived discrimination and some sociographic variables including cultural proximity, especially for Brazilians.

Keywords:

• immigrants
• Portugal
• discrimination
• perception
• Brazilians
• discrimination
• racism

Notes

1. It is thus possible to reconcile the ideological and structural dimensions of racism with its cognitive components, as well as the attitudes and experiences of everyday life. This form of demonstration is racism, ‘but not all racism is everyday racism’ (Essed 1991, p. 3), involving systematic, recurrent, familiar, and ordinary social practices.

2. There were 7334 foreigners in Oeiras when the census was carried out. The following formula was used to establish the sample dimension: For a maximum error of 5%, not knowing p and q, the sample should be a minimum of 365. Since 422 immigrants were surveyed, the maximum error decreased to 2.67% according to the following formula:

3. The qualitative dimension of the study consisted of 12 semi-structured interviews with socio-institutional actors who play a direct role in the lives of immigrants on a daily basis. These interviewees were selected because of their first-hand and in-depth knowledge of the migratory phenomenon in the municipality and because of their daily experience with immigrants.

4. Among other advantages, nationalised immigrants in Portugal can live, work, or study in any country of the EU and travel to other non-EU states, such as the US, without a visa.

5. There is a reciprocal arrangement for foreigners legally residing in Portugal to elect local authorities; EU citizens can vote and stand for the European Parliament.

6. Gilberto Freyre in his book Casa-Grande e Senzala emphasises the peculiar character of the Portuguese colonisation as differentiator of racial relations in Brazil. The way in which Portuguese colonisation took place in the tropics largely influenced social relations in Brazil, with emphasis on the racialised relations, so that the belief in the existence of a racial democracy in Brazil is based, to a great extent, on the principles of the Luso-tropicalist ideology.

7. It should also be noted that between 3 million and 18 million Africans were made slaves and transported to Brazil, and that the Portuguese colonisation of the latter led to the death of 5 million native Indians (Munanga 1996, Schwarcz 1996, cited in Vala et al. 2008, p. 290).

8. Respondents were asked directly about which ‘race is the most beautiful’, and which was most sexy, and 65% responded that the ‘white race is the most beautiful’, and blacks the least beautiful (21.1%), although blacks came second as the sexiest (with 21.5%) (O Independente 1990, p. III-42).