Myanmar and ASEAN

Abstract

Against the background of its problematic human-rights record and the military regime's continued extra-constitutional rule, Myanmar has faced mounting diplomatic pressure from the international community since the renewed detention of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi in May 2003. This Adelphi Paper examines Myanmar's foreign policy, which is predicated on state-building and development, as well as defending the regime's decision to give priority to establishing an enduring constitution over immediate national reconciliation and democratisation. It discusses how the regime has been able to take advantage of the economic, security and geostrategic interests of both China and India in the country to achieve developmental and security goals, and how its relations with Beijing in particular have assumed ever greater significance as Western capitals have sought to place Myanmar under the scrutiny of the UN Security Council on the grounds that its domestic circumstances have regional security implications. It discusses the regime's objectives, concerns and challenges in its relations with the US, Japan and Europe; details the difficult decisions of the leadership as ASEAN has started to relax its application of the non-interference norm when dealing with Myanmar; and examines its interaction with the UN, particularly the secretary-general and his special envoys. The paper concludes by analysing the likely regional and international implications of intensified political pressure on the military regime.

Notes

¹ Leszek Buszynski, ‘Thailand and Myanmar: the perils of “constructive” engagement’, Pacific Review, vol. 11, no. 2, 1998, pp. 295–6.

² It is often erroneously suggested that ASEAN is still pursuing a policy ‘constructive engagement’ even today. From ASEAN's point of view, constructive engagement refers to the engagement by ASEAN of an outsider and in line with this view, the use of the term after Myanmar won membership in 1997 would be inaccurate. The term is not, therefore, part of the formal language of ASEAN.

³ Buszynski, ‘Thailand and Myanmar’, pp. 293–5.

⁴ Silverstein, ‘Burma in an international perspective’, Asian Survey, vol. 32, no. 10, October 1992, p. 958.

⁵ Silverstein, ‘Burma and the World’ in Taylor, ed., Burma: Political Economy under Military Rule (London: C. Hurst, 2001), pp. 129–30.

⁶ Shaun Narine, Explaining ASEAN: Regionalism in Southeast Asia (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2002), p. 116. On the background to US Burma policy see also Leon T. Hadar, ‘Burma: US Foreign Policy as a Morality Play’, Journal of International Affairs, vol. 54, no. 2, Spring 2001, pp. 411–26.

⁷ In the event, this was postponed due to events in Cambodia in early July 1997.

⁸ Opening Statement by HE U Ohn Gyaw, 30^th AMM, 24–5 July 1997, Subang Jaya: http://www.aseansec.org/4000.htm.

⁹ See Declaration of ASEAN Concord II (Bali Concord II), Bali, 7 October 2003: http://www.aseansec.org/15159.htm.

¹⁰ This should not be a surprise insofar as Myanmar is committed to a ‘discipline- flourishing’ democratic system. The official evaluation of the Bali Summit is contained in ‘Prime Minister addresses ASEAN Steering Committee Meeting No 2/2003’, New Light of Myanmar, 25 October 2003: http://www.myanmar.gov.mm/NLM-2003/enlm/Oct25_h4.html.

¹¹ At the time of writing, Myanmar ISIS was not a member of ASEAN-ISIS.

¹² Mya Than, Myanmar in ASEAN: Regional Cooperation Experience (Singapore: ISEAS, 2005), p. 109.

¹³ Steinberg, ‘Myanmar: The Roots of Economic Malaise’, in Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Taylor, Tin Maung Maung Than, eds, Myanmar: Beyond Politics to Societal Imperatives, pp. 86–116.

¹⁴ For a critical perspective see Bruce Hawke, ‘The Burma-Thailand Gas Debacle’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 12, no. 10, November 2004, pp. 8–10.

¹⁵ Mya Than, Myanmar in ASEAN, p. 94.

¹⁶ China nevertheless remains Myanmar's biggest import partner by far, although Thailand is its most important trade partner. See European Union, DG Trade, EU Bilateral Trade and Trade with the World: Myanmar, 9 March 2006: http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2006/may/tradoc_113423.pdf.

¹⁷ The IAI Work Plan for Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Vietnam (CLMV) focuses on the priority areas of Infrastructure Development (Transport and Energy), Human Resource Development (Public Sector Capacity Building, Labour and Employment, and Higher Education), Information and Communications Technology and Promoting Regional Economic Integration (Trade in Goods and Services, Customs, Standards and Investments) in the CLMV countries.

¹⁸ Progress of IAI Work Plan: Status Update (as of 10 February 2006): www.aseansec.org/14013.htm.

¹⁹ For the details and terms of reference of the ASEAN Development Fund see: http://www.aseansec.org/17577.htm.

²⁰ Also see Myanmar Information Committee, Yangon, Information Sheet no. C-2795 (I/L), 10 October 2003:http://www.mewashingtondc.com/Myanmar_Welcomes_Support_of_Asean_in_Building_Democracy.htm

²¹ Haacke, ‘The concept of flexible engagement and the practice of enhanced interaction: intramural challenges to the “ASEAN way”’, Pacific Review, vol. 12, no. 4, 1999, pp. 581–611.

²² Statement by HE U Win Aung at the 32^nd AMM, 23–4 July 1999, Singapore: www.aseansec.org/3834.htm.

²³ Maung Aung Myoe, Neither Friend nor Foe: Myanmar's Relations with Thailand Since 1988, A View from Yangon, IDSS Monograph no.1 (Singapore: IDSS, 2002), p. 14.

²⁴ See Smith, Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity, pp. 447–8 and Lintner, Burma in Revolt. For the officially sanctioned account, see Maung Pho Shoke, Why Did U Khun Sa's MTA Exchange Arms for Peace? (Yangon: U Aung Zaw, 1999) and Yan Nyein Aye, Endeavours of Myanmar Armed Forces Government for National Reconsolidation (Yangon: U Aung Zaw, 1999).

²⁵ ‘Myanmar: Spannungen mit Thailand’, Südostasien aktuell, March 2001, p. 141.

²⁶ Maung Aung Myoe, Neither Friend nor Foe, pp. 121–2. See also Tekkatho Myat Thu, ‘Trouble-maker opium insurgents at border’, in Waiting For Long…Didn't Say and Special Articles (Yangon: Guardian Press, 2001), pp. 1–12.

²⁷ Maung Aung Myoe, Neither Friend nor Foe, p. 47.

²⁸ ‘Invitation to a Border Skirmish’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 22 February 2001, p. 10.

²⁹ Aung Zaw, ‘Tangled Ties’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 8, no. 7, July 2000: http://www.irrawaddy.org/database/2000/vol8.7/specialreoprt.htm.

³⁰ For details see Desmond Ball, Security Developments in the Thailand-Burma Borderlands, Working Paper no. 9, (Sydney: Australian Mekong Resource Centre, University of Sydney, October 2003).

³¹ Maung Aung Myoe, Neither Friend nor Foe, p. 18.

³² ‘Myanmar: Besuch von Thailands Premier Thaksin klärt Misstimmung’, Südostasien aktuell, July 2001, p. 360. Myanmar state media had previously suggested that the revered Thai King Maha Mongkut ‘gave away the country to keep his throne’.

³³ Tasker and Lintner, ‘Nasty Job for Task Force 399’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 19 April 2001, p. 25.

³⁴ ‘Burmese Refugees Face Forced Return’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 6 September 2001, p. 10.

³⁵ Tasker, ‘The Premier's Invisible Hand’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 10 October 2002, pp. 22–3.

³⁶ Ball, Security Developments in the Thailand-Burma Borderlands, p. 17.

³⁷ See Mae Fah Luang Foundation, Doi Tung Development Project International Cooperation Programme: Project Myanmar; on recent problems with this project, see Michael Black and Roland Fields, ‘Access Denied’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 14, no. 4, April 2006, p. 15.

³⁸ ‘Burma's Generals Warm to Thais’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 13 February 2003, p. 9.

³⁹ See Aung Lwin Oo, ‘Limbo Land’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 13, no. 7, July 2005, p. 14. Also see Human Rights Watch, Out of Sight, Out of Mind: Thai Policy toward Burmese Refugees (New York: Human Rights Watch, February 2004): http://hrw.org/reports/2004/thailand0204/.

⁴⁰ Thailand has since agreed to the resettlement of refugees in third countries.

⁴¹ ‘Speech by HE Thaksin Shinawatra at the Luncheon Hosted in Honour of HE General Khin Nyunt, Prime Minister of the Union of Myanmar at Government House, 4 June 2004’: http://www.thaigov.go.th/news/speech/thaksin/sp04Jun04.htm.

⁴² ‘Burma-Thai Trade Reaches $2.26 billion’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 14, no. 1, January 2006, p. 9.

⁴³ This incident involved a bloody encounter when the motorcade in which ASSK travelled on 30 May near the town of Depayin in Sagaing Division was attacked by anti- NLD protestors, leading to the death of at least four people. ASSK was subsequently taken into ‘protective custody’.

⁴⁴ See Haacke, ‘“Enhanced Interaction” with Myanmar and the Project of a Security Community: Is ASEAN Refining or Breaking with its Diplomatic and Security Culture?’, Contemporary Southeast Asia, vol. 27, no. 2, August 2005, pp. 207–10.

⁴⁵ Larry Jagan, ‘Burma on diplomatic offensive, little effect so far’, Asia Times, 8 July 2003: http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/EG08Ae01.html.

⁴⁶ Other scheduled visits were to Japan, China, India and Bangladesh.

⁴⁷ ‘Senior General Than Shwe Says Suu Kyi Planned Violent Overthrow - FT’, reprinted in Burma Today News: http://www.burmatoday.net/burmatoday2003/2003/07/030712_financialtimes.htm.

⁴⁸ Quoted in ‘Yangon condemns pressure to free Suu Kyi’, The Straits Times, 7 July 2003.

⁴⁹ Only at the 2005 summit did ASEAN leaders decide to draft an ASEAN charter.

⁵⁰ Supalak Ganjanakhundee, ‘Friendly approach to continue’, The Nation, 21 July 2003.

⁵¹ Win Aung, ‘Don't push Myanmar back into the shell’, The Straits Times, 25 July 2003.

⁵² ‘Suu Kyi “case” solved by October’, BBC News Online, 30 July 2003: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/3105671.stm.

⁵³ Jagan, ‘Seeking a way out for Rangoon: Roadmap to Democracy’, Bangkok Post, 9 August 2003.

⁵⁴ Jagan, ‘Seeking a way out for Rangoon’; ‘Mapping the Road to Reconciliation: An interview with Kobsak Chutikil’, The Irrawaddy, 5 August 2003: www.irrawaddy.org/news/2003/aug04.html.

⁵⁵ Khin Nyunt, ‘Speech on the Developments and Progressive Changes in Myanmar Naingngan’, 30 August 2003; Khin Maung Win, ‘Myanmar Roadmap to Democracy: The Way Forward’, Presentation at the Seminar on Understanding Myanmar, Yangon, 27–8 January 2004.

⁵⁶ Fabiola Desy Unidjaja, ‘RI hopes to see Suu Kyi freed in October’, Jakarta Post, 31 July 2003, p. 1.

⁵⁷ ‘Burma warned over Suu Kyi’, BBC News Online, 24 September 2003: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/asiapacific/3134552.stm.

⁵⁸ ‘Time for Rangoon to show its plans’, Bangkok Post, 15 December 2003.

⁵⁹ Participating countries included Australia, Austria, Italy, Germany, France, China, Japan, India, Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand. Ambassador Razali Ismail was also present. See Thet Khaing, ‘Govt praises Thai initiative in hosting Bangkok forum’, Myanmar Times, December 22–8, 2003.

⁶⁰ Rungrawee C. Pinyorat, ‘Junta to release Suu Kyi’, The Nation, 4 April 2004: http://www.yuyu.net/burmanet2-l/archive/0332.html.

⁶¹ For a fuller discussion see Haacke, ‘“Enhanced Interaction” with Myanmar and the Project of a Security Community’, pp. 199–200.

⁶² In this incident of 25 October 2004, following mass protests in connection with arrests in Tak Bai of local men suspected of providing weapons to insurgents operating in southern Thailand, 78 people suffocated when hundreds of mostly young Muslims were transported to an army camp for detention.

⁶³ Statement by the ASEAN Foreign Ministers, Vientiane, 25 July 2005: www.aseansec.org/17589.htm.

⁶⁴ Personal communication, May 2005.

⁶⁵ Transcript of Yeo's Media Conference on Myanmar's Chairmanship of ASEAN, 38^th AMM, 26 July 2005.

⁶⁶ Threat to the Peace: A Call for the UN Security Council to Act in Burma, A Report commissioned by The Honorable Vàclav Havel and Bishop Desmond M. Tutu, prepared by DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary, 20 September 2005: http://www.burmacampaign.org.uk/reports/Burmaunscreport.pdf.

⁶⁷ See AIPMC Press Statement: ‘Time for the Security Council to discuss Myanmar’, 23 September 2005: http://www.aseanmp.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=blogcategory&id=5&Itemid=20.

⁶⁸ ‘Myanmar democracy will not lead to chaos-envoy’, Reuters, 12 October 2005.

⁶⁹ Clive Parker, ‘Philippines to Support UN Action on Burma’, The Irrawaddy, 22 November 2005; see also ‘PGMA: RP to join UN efforts to speed up democratic reforms in Myanmar’, 19 November 2005: http://www.macapagal.com/gma/act.html.

⁷⁰ Security Council Report, Update Report, Myanmar, 15 December 2004, no. 4: http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/site/c.glKWLeMTIsG/b.1304015/k.247A/UPDATE_REPORT_NO_4brMYANMARBR15_DECEMBER_2005.htm.

⁷¹ Chairman's Statement of the 11^th ASEAN Summit, ’One Vision, One Identity, One Community‘, Kuala Lumpur, 12 December 2005: http://www.aseansec.org/18039.htm.

⁷² Jonathan Kent, ‘Malaysia ‘hopeful’ on Burma move’, BBC News/Asia Pacific, 11 December 2005, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/4519202.stm.

⁷³ Personal communication.

⁷⁴ ‘Editorial: A Tactical Blunder’, The Irrawaddy, vol. 14, no. 4, April 2006, p. 3.

⁷⁵ R. Ravichandran, ‘M'sia Says Myanmar Need Not Be Referred To UN Security Council’, Bernama, 20 January 2006: http://www.thebroker.com.my/bernama/v3/news_lite.php?id=176574.

⁷⁶ Michael Vatikiotis, ‘Indonesia back on the world stage’, Asia Times, 30 March 2006:http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/HC30Ae01.html.