Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages

Figures & data

Table

(1)	Warlmanpa (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Maliki-ja-rlu=ju=pala	pu-ngu.
	dog-dual-erg=1sg.ns=3du.s	act.on-pst^1
	‘The two dogs bit me.’ (Browne, 2021a, p. 141)

Table

(2)	Nyangumarta (Marrngu)^4
	a.	Mima-li=ji=yi	ngaju-ku!
		wait.for-imp=1sg.d/l=2pl.s	1sg-dat
		‘Wait for me!’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 186)
	b.	Paliny	ngaju-ngu-yi	yakal-ma-rna=ji=n	nyuntu-lu?
		3sg	1sg-loc-ques	leave-caus=1sg.d/l=2sg.s	2sg-erg
		‘Will you leave it (the bullock) with me?’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 367)

Figure 1. Approximate locations of the Pama-Nyungan languages surveyed in this paper which can cross-reference at least one type of nominal expression marked with local case. (e.g. locative, allative, elative, etc.)

Table

(3)	Mangarla (Marrngu)
	Ma-nku=na=Ø.
	get-fut=3sg.s=3sg.o
	‘He will get it.’ (Agnew, 2020, p. 416)

Table

(4)	Bilinarra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Ba-ni=wuliny		nyila=gada		warrija-lu.
		hit-pst=3ua.o		that=imm		crocodile-erg
		‘The crocodile killed those two right there.’ (Meakins & Nordlinger, 2014, p. 406)
	b.	Nanagu-lu	wamib	na	ba-rra	nyila	gardbi.
		subsect-erg	spin	foc	hit-prs	that	hair
		‘Nanagu spins the hair.’ (Meakins & Nordlinger, 2014, p. 315)

Table 1. Grammatical relations of Ngardi (Ennever, 2021, p. 502).

Grammatical relation	Case marking	Pronominal enclitic
Subject (A, S)	Ergative, absolutive	Subject series
Object (O)	Absolutive	Object series
Indirect object	Dative	Oblique series
Subjunct^a	Locative, allative	Locational series
Adjuncts	Various (includes absolutive, dative, locative, allative, inter alia)	—

Note: ^a‘Subjunct’ is the term used in some Ngumpin-Yapa grammars for arguments that can be expressed by nominals which are marked with spatial case, especially the locative and allative cases (following Tsunoda, 1981, pp. 112–115) and are cross-referenced by a specific series of bound pronouns. In this paper, ‘subjunct’ partially corresponds to our more transparent term ‘locational’ which we use both as a shorthand for the argument relation being indexed and as a label for a series of bound pronouns.

Table

(5)	Ngardi (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Kuyi=rla	yi-nya	murtilya-rlu	kunyarr-ku.
	meat=3sg.obl	give-pst	boy-erg	dog-dat
	‘The boy gave the meat to the dog.’ (Ennever, 2021, p. 504)

Table

(6)	Warlmanpa (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Nya-nyi=rna-ngu.
	see-fut=1sg.s-2sg.ns
	‘I will see you.’ (Browne, 2021a, p. 350)

Table

(7)	Bilinarra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Birrgab=ma=lu=nga	ma-n.gu	gawarla=ma	gujarra=ma,
	make=top=3aug.s=dub	do-pot	coolamon=top	two=top
	jindagu-nginyi,	jindagu-nginyi,	garndi-nginyi.
	one-source	one-source	wood-source
	‘They might make two coolamons out of one piece of wood.’ (Meakins & Nordlinger, 2014, p. 239)

Table 2. Western Mudburra bound pronominal paradigm (Osgarby, 2018, p. 122).

	Subject	Non-subject
1sg	=rna	=yi
2sg	=n	=ngku
(3)sg	∅	∅, =rla
1du.excl	=lya	=ngaliya(ny)
1du.incl	=rli	=ngali(nju)
2du	=nbula	=ngkuwula
(3)du	=wula	=wuli
1pl.excl	=rnali	=nganda
1pl.incl	=rlawa	=ngalawa(rna)
2pl	=nda	=njurra
(3)pl	=li	=yina

Table

(8)	Manyjilyjarra (Western Desert)
	Ya-nku=rna=nta	nyuntu-karti.
	go-fut=1sg.s=2sg.o/l	2sg-all
	‘Shall I come to you?’ (Marsh, 1976, p. 59)

Table 3. Possibility for cross-referencing of local case-marked NPs in surveyed languages (a dash indicates there is no distinct case form).

		Loc	All	Abl/Ela	Comitative	Perlative
Ngayarda	Nyiyaparli	✓	✗	✗	✗	?
Ngumpin-Yapa	Bilinarra	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
	Mudburra	✓	✓	✗	✗	—
	Gurindji	✓	✗	✗	✓	✗
	Wanyjirra	✓	✓	✓	✓	?
	Malngin^a	?	?	?	?	?
	Jaru	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
	Walmajarri	✓	✗	✗	✗	—
	Ngardi	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
	Warlmanpa	✗	∼	✗	✗	✗
Marrngu	Nyangumarta	✓	✓	✗	✗	—
	Mangarla	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
Middle Paman	Kugu Nganhcara	✗	✗	✓	✗	✗
Western Desert	Yulparija	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
	Wangkajunga	✓	✓	✓	✗	✗
	Kukatja	✓	✓	✓	✗	✓
	Manyjilyjarra	✓	✓	?	✗	?
	Martu Wangka	✓	✓	?	✗	?
	Warnman	✓	?	?	?	?
	Pintupi	✓	✓	✓	✗	✓
	Pitjantjatjara	✓	✗	✗	✗	✗

Note: ^aThere are insufficient data to comment on cross-referencing possibilities in Malngin. A similar situation applies to Warnman.

Table

(9)	Hierarchy of cross-referencing of NPs marked with local cases in surveyed PN languages:
		Locative > Allative >	{	Ablative	>	Perlative
				Comitative

Table

(10)	Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Hey	lamparra-marnany-ju=ma=ngku	jayi-nya,
	hey	father.in.law-2min.poss-erg=top=2min.ns	give-pst
	[kujarra	kirri	kujarra]	nyununy.
	two	woman	two	2min.dat
	‘Hey your father-in-law who is my son gave two girls to you.’ (Meakins & McConvell, 2021, p. 289)

Table

(11)	Non-subject competition hierarchy
	Locational > Indirect object > Object

Table

(12)	Jaru (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Local > Indirect object/Oblique
	a.	Nyila	mawun	nga=nggula	marn-an-i	nganinga
		that	man	C=2sg.lct	talk-cont-pst	1sg.dat
		nyuninginy-ja.
		2SG-LOC
		‘That man was talking to you (loc) about me (obl).’ (Tsunoda, 1981, p. 146)
	b.	Nyundu-gu		nga-ji-n-gu-la		muwu-wung-an^11
		2sg-erg		c-1sg.dat-2sg.nom-link-3sg.obl		search-hit-pres
		jaji-wu		nganinga.
		kangaroo-dat1		1sg-dat
		‘You look for a kangaroo for me (obl).’ (Tsunoda, 1981, p. 150)

Table

(13)		Ngardi (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Nyuntu-ngka=ngkurla	yirra-ku		ngantany-ju	ngaju.
		2sg-loc=2sg.lct	place-pot		man-erg	1sg
		‘That man will put me next to you.’ (Ennever, 2021, p. 338)
	b.	Punypuny	ma-rni,	‘Wakurra=yi=n	parnki=ma-nankura!’
		mouse	speak-pst	neg=1sg.o=2sg.s	wake-get-ipfv.hort
		‘The mouse said, “Do not wake me up!”’ (Ennever, 2021, p. 727)

Table

(14)	Permitted cross-referencing (adapted from Blake, 1987, p. 101)
	Subject > Object > Indirect object > Benefactives/Locationals^12 > Instrumental

Table

(15)	Competition between non-subject bound pronominals for overt registration
	Locational > Oblique > Object

Table

(16)	Wangkajunga (Western Desert)
	a.	Jiji-rti=jananya-pula	kanyin-in-pa	yirna	nyupa-rarra-lu.
		child-pl=3pl.o-3du.s	have-pres-pa	man	spouse-pair-erg
		‘The couple has children.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 253)
	b.	Nyina-ti-ngu=jananya			jiji-paraku-ngka.
		stay-act-pst=3pl.acs			child-few-loc
		‘It (the bird) stayed with the kids.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 140)

Table 4. Sample verbs from the Warburton Ranges variety of Western Desert (data adapted from Koch, 2014, p. 155).

	‘hit’	‘put’
future	pu-ngku	tyu-nku
present	pu-ngkula	tyu-nkula

Table 5. Pattern types of local case cross-referencing in relation to other non-subject series.

Locational series is …	Object	Indirect object (Dative)	Non-subject
Syncretic with	1a (e.g. Kukatja)	1b (e.g. Nyangumarta)	1c (e.g. Mudburra)
Parasitic to	2a (e.g. Yulparija)	2b (e.g. Walmajarri)	2c (e.g. Ngardi)

Table 6. Non-subject bound pronouns in Kukatja (Valiquette, 1993, pp. 453–454).

	Object		Locative	Dative
1sg	=rni			-tju
1du.inc	=linya			=limpa
1du.exc	=linyatju			=limpatju
1pl.inc	=lanya			=lampa
1pl.exc	=lanyatju			=lampatju
2sg	=nta			=ngku
2du	=ntapula			=ngkupula
2pl	=nyurranya			=nyurrampa
3sg	—		=lu	=ra
3du	=pulanya			=pulampa
3pl	=tjananya			=tjanampa

Table

(17)	Kukatja (Western Desert)
	a.	Ngayu=rni		wanti-tju-rnu.
		1sg[abs]=1sg.o/lct		leave-put-pst
		‘He left me.’ (ALL: TEN2-2022_022-01: 1362.644)
	b.	Yuwa=rni	kalki	kuka.
		give.imp=1sg.o/lct	other	meat
		‘Give me some meat!’ (NKI: PEILE_A06-001933A: 2028.046)

Table

(18)	Kukatja (Western Desert)
	a.	Ya-ninpa=rni=ya			ngayu-ngka.
		go-prs=1sg.o/lct=3pl.s			1sg-loc
		‘They are coming to me.’ (PSM: TEN1-2019_008-01: 277.972)
	b.	Kuka=rni	munta-ra	kati-ngu	tjii-lu.^17
		meat=1sg.o/lct	grab-ser	take-pst	prox.a-erg
		‘He stole the meat from me.’ (PSM: TEN1-2019_008-01: 581.537)
	c.	Yiya-rnin-pa=rni=ya				ngayu-ngka.
		send-prs-ep=1sg.o/lct=3pl.s				1sg-loc
		‘They are sending it with me.’ (PSM: TEN1-2019_008-01: 277.972)

Table

(19)	Kukatja (Western Desert)
	a.	Lungkarta=rna=Ø		kutju		pu-ngu.
		bluetongue[abs]=1sg.s=3sg.o		one[abs]		hit-pst
		‘I killed one bluetongue lizard.’ (SBB: PEILE_A07-002752B: 224.369)
	b.	Marnti-lu=lu	watja-rnu	kunyarr-a,	‘Wiya	wangka-ku!’
		child-erg=3sg.lct	say-pst	dog-loc	neg	speak-pot
		‘The child said to the dog “Don’t talk!”’ (CAM: TEN2-2022-006-08: 400.168)

Table 7. Non-subject bound pronouns in Nyangumarta (Marrngu) (Sharp, 2004, p. 91). Forms with ‘=’ are phonologically bound to a verbal host, and forms with ‘#’ are phonologically independent pronouns, but still syntactically bound to the post-verbal position.

	Object	Dative	Locational^a
1sg	=nyV	=ji
1du.inc	#ngalinyi	#ngaliku
1du.exc	#ngalayi	#ngalayiku
1pl.inc	#nganyjurrinyi	#nganyjurraku
1pl.exc	#nganinyi	#nganaku
2sg	=ntV	=ngu
2du	#nyumpulinyi	#nyumpulaku
2pl	#nyurrinyi	#nyurraku
3sg	—	=lu	=lV
3du	#pulinyi	#pulaku
3pl	#janinyi	#janaku

Note: ^aNote that Sharp labels this simply ‘locative’. The same series is nevertheless described as cross-referencing ‘allatives’ (see (21)) and so we have re-labelled it ‘locational’ here.

Table

(20)	Nyangumarta (Marrngu)
	a.	Mima-li=ji=yi			ngaju-ku!
		wait.for-imp=1sg.d/l=2pl.s			1sg-dat
		‘Wait for me!’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 226)
	b.	Paliny	ngaju-ngu-yi	yakal-ma-rna=ji=n	nyuntu-lu?
		3sg	1sg-loc-ques	leave-caus=1sg.d/l=2sg.s	2sg-erg
		‘Will you leave it with me?’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 367)

Table

(21)	Nyangumarta (Marrngu)
	a.	Pala-ja	ya-na=lu	pipi-ku	pala	partany	wupartu.
		that-abl	go-nfut=3sg.dat	M-dat	that	child	small
		‘And then the small child went for its mother.’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 361)
	b.	Kangkuru	rankurrji-ngi	milpa-nya=la.
		kangaroo	bustard-loc	come-nfut=3sg.l
		‘The kangaroo came up to the turkey.’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 356)

Table

(22)	Nyangumarta (Marrngu)
	Ngaju	parnpi-rni=nyi	japartu-lu	ngaju-mila-lu	ngapa-nga
	1sg.abs	throw-nfut=1sg.o	F-erg	1sg-gen-erg	water-loc
	piju-ngu.
	creek-loc
	‘My father threw me into the river.’ (Sharp, 2004, p. 143)

Table 8. Non-subject bound pronouns in Mudburra (Osgarby, 2018, p. 118)^a.

	Object	Obliques (incl. loc and all)
1sg	=yi
1du.inc	=ngali(nju)
1du.exc	=ngali(nju)
1pl.inc	=ngalawa(rna)
1pl.exc	=nganda
2sg	=ngku
2du	=ngkuwurna (E), ngkuwula (W)
2pl	=njurra
3sg	=∅	=rla
3du	=yili (E), =wuli (W)
3pl	=yina

Note: ^aNote that the forms marked (E) and (W) denote variants in Eastern and Western dialects of Mudburra, respectively.

Table

(23)	Mudburra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
		Locational complement (locative)
	a.	Ba=rna=ngku	karri	nyunu-nya-ngka.^19
		aux=1sg.s=2sg.ns	be[pot]	2-gen-loc
		I will be over by you. (Osgarby, 2018, p. 149)
		Direct object (accusative)
	b.	Kula	ba=rna=ngku	kurru	nyanga-nini.
		neg	aux=1sg.s=2sg.ns	hear	see-prs
		‘I can’t hear you.’ (Osgarby, 2018, p. 169)
		Benefactive (dative)
	c.	Ba=rna=ngku=rla	jilij	kang-kardala,	‘Ba=nganda=n
		aux=1sg.s=2sg.ns=3sg.ns	ask	take-ipfvsbjv	aux=1pl.excl.ns=2sg.s
		nyung-ku	nginya=ma?’
		give-pot	prox=top
		‘I might ask him for you, “Will you give it to us?”’ (Osgarby, 2018, p. 137)

Table

(24)	Bilinarra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Nyila-nggu	gurrwararn-du=rla	bin.gaj	ba-ni	libi
	that-erg	doctor-erg=3obl	treat.magic	hit-pst	fingernail
	nyanuny-nginyi		buya-nginyi.
	3min.dat-source		body-source
	‘The traditional doctor pulls fingernails from his body.’ (Meakins & Nordlinger, 2014, p. 242)

Table 9. Non-subject bound pronouns in Yulparija (Wangka Maya Pilbara Aboriginal Language Centre, 2008).

	Object	Dative	Locative	Ablative
1sg.s	=ja	=ju	=jara	=jura
1du.inc	=linya	=limpa	=linyara
1du.exc	=linyaju	=limpaju	=linyajura	=limpalura
1pl.inc	=lanya	=lampa	=lanyara
1pl.exc	=lanyaju	=lampaju	=lanyajura	=lampajura
2sg	=nta	=ngku	=ntara	=ngkura
2du	=ntapula	=ngkupula	=ntapulara	=ngkurapula
2pl	=nyuranya	=nyurampa	=nyuranyara
3sg	=∅	=ra	=lu/li	=lura
3du	=pulanya	=pulampa	=pulanyara
3pl	=jananya	=janampa	=jananyara	=janampalura

Table

(25)	Yulparija (Western Desert)
	a.	Pu-ngu=ja	warta-kurlu-lu.
		hit-pst=1sg.o	stick-prop-erg
		‘He hit me with a stick.’ (Burridge, 1996, p. 26)
	b.	Wiya=ju=n	yilpa-Ø-rta?
		neg=1sg.dat=2sg.s	wait-ir-opt
	‘Don’t you wait for me?’ (Burridge, 1996, p. 45)
	c.	Japirr-nu=jara	waru-ku	ka-ngku-ra-ku	ngurra-karti.
		ask-pst=1sg.lct	wood-dat	carry-irr-opt-purp	camp-all
		‘He asked me to take the wood to the camp.’ (Burridge, 1996, p. 53)

Table

(26)		Wangkajunga (Western Desert)
	a.	Ngaa-nga=janampa	yali-puru-ku	wilja.
		dem-foc=3pl.dat	hot-temp-dat	shelter
		‘This thing is their hot weather shelter.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 72)
	b.	Ya-nu=rna-janampalura		Sydney-janu.
		go-pst=1sg.s-3pl.abl		name-abl
		‘I left those people from Sydney.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 141)

Table

(27)	Kugu Nganhcara (Middle Paman)
	a.	Nhila	pama-ng	nhingu	pukpe-wu	ku’a	waa-ngu.
		3sgnom	man-erg	3sg-dat	child-dat	dog	give-3sg.dat
		‘The man gave the dog to the child.’ (Smith & Johnson, 2000, p. 401)
	b.	Nhila	pama	aara	ngaci-m-ngurum	wań	ke-n.
		3sgnom	man	thatabs	father-abl-3sg.abl	return-cnc
		‘That man is returning from father.’ (Smith & Johnson, 2000, p. 392)

Table 10. Non-subject bound pronouns in Ngardi (Ennever, 2021, pp. 297–298).

	Object	Dative	Locational
1sg.s	=yi		=yirla
1du.inc	=(nga)li(ngku)		=(nga)lingkurla
1du.exc	=ngajarra(ngku)		=ngajarrangkurla
1pl.inc	=ngala =ngalypa		=ngala(ngku)rla =ngalypankurla
1pl.exc	=nganpa		=nganpangkurla
2sg	=ngku		=ngkurla
2du	=ngkupula		=ngkupularla
2pl	=nyurra		=nyurra(ngku)rla
3sg	=∅	=rla	=rlanyanta, =rlanyinta
3du	=pulany		=pulanykurla
3pl	=yanu, =janu		=yanungkurla, =janungkurla

Table 11. Two series of bound pronouns for locational case cross-referencing in Wangkajunga (Jones, 2011, pp. 140–141).

	Object/Locational (1a)		‘Ablative’ (2b)
1sg	=rni		=jura
1du.excl	=linyaju		=limpajura
1du.incl	=linya
1pl.excl	=lanyaju		=lampajura
1pl.incl	=lanya
2sg	=nta		=ngkura
2du	=ntapula		=ngkurapula
2pl	=nyurranya
3sg	=∅	=lu	=lura
3du	=pulanya		=janampalura
3pl	=jananya

Table

(28)	Ngardi (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Nyampa-ku=yi=n		pi-nya?
		what-dat=1sg.o=2sg.s		hit-pst
		‘Why did you hit me?’ (PSM: TEN1-2017_009-01: 616781_619417)
	b.	Jina=marda-nanta=yi		ngaju-ku.
		foot=have-prs=1sg.o		1sg-dat
		‘He is waiting for me.’ (MMN: TEN1-2017_20-02: 330510_336948)
	c.	Minya	ma=yi	ngaju-ku.
		prox	top.aux=1sg.o	1sg-dat
		‘This one is mine.’ (PSM: TEN1-2019_004-03: 2442586_2466341)

Table

(29)	Ngardi (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Yupa-rni=yirla	ngaju-ngka.
	send-pst=1sg.lct	1sg-loc
	‘He sent it with me.’ (MMN: TEN1-2017_020-01: 812702)

Table

(30)	Ngardi (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Dative benefactive
		Ma-nta=yi	warlu	(ngaju-ku).
		get-imp=1sg.o	wood	1sg-dat
		‘Get some wood for me./Get my wood.’^21 (PSM: TEN1-2017_026-01: 1352357)
	b.	Locative source
		Ma-nta=yirla	warlu	(ngaju-ngka).
		get-imp=1sg.lct	wood	1sg-loc
		‘Get/take some wood from me.’ (PSM: TEN1-2017_026-01: 1332282)
	c.	Dative possessor + Dative benefactive
		Ma-nta=yi=rla	warlu	(nyanungu-ku).
		get-imp=1sg.o=3sg.obl	wood	recog-dat
		‘Get some of my wood for him.’ (MMN: TEN1-2017_026-01: 1374642)

Table

(31)		Mangarla (Marrngu)
	a.	Locative argument marking animate source
		Purany-pa=ngka	mulnyi	walu-ngka.
		wipe-aux.imp=2sg.obl/lcti	soil	face-loc
		‘Wipe the dirt from your face.’ (Agnew, 2020, p. 223)
	b.	Locative complement of perception predicate
		Mininy	nga=rna=ngkala	kuta-ma-n.
		language	cat=1sg.s=2sg.obl/lctii	fail.to.perceive-aux-prs
		‘I don’t understand your language.’ (Agnew, 2020, p. 215)

Table

(32)	Mangarla semantic obl hierarchy (Agnew, 2020, p. 215)
	accessory > recipient > goal > affected location > beneficiary > possessor

Table 12. Non-subject bound pronouns in Walmajarri (Hudson, 1978, pp. 60–62).

	Object	Dative	Locational (lcti)	Locational (lctii)
1sg.s	=ja	=ji	=jarla	=jirla
1du.inc	=rlinya	=rlingu	=rlinyarla	=rlingurla
1du.exc	=jarranya	=jarrangu	=jarranyarla	=jarrangurla
1pl.inc	=rlipanya	=rlipangu	=rlipanyarla	=rlipangurla
1pl.exc	=rnapanya	=rnapangu	=rnapanyarla	=rnapangurla
2sg	=nta	=ngu	=ntarla	=ngurla
2du	=nypinya	=nypilangu	=nypinyarla	=nypilangurla
2pl	=nya	=nyirrangu	=nyarla	=nyirrangurla
3sg	=∅	=rla	=nyanta	=nyanta, =rlanyanta^a
3du	=pinya	=pilangu	=pinyarla	=pilangurla
3pl	=nya	=nyanangu	=nyarla	=nyanangurla

Note: ^aThis form appears in the speech of some Eastern Walmajarri speakers in the communities of Mulan, Billiluna and Balgo (first author’s fieldnotes). It may be an influence from languages also spoken by residents there, namely Jaru and Ngardi.

Table

(33)		Wangkajunga (Western Desert)
	a.	‘Object/Locational’ bound pronoun (Cross-references Object and loc, all)
		Nyina-ti-ngu=jananya		jiji-paraku-ngka.
		sit-act-pst=3pl.lct		child-grp-loc
		‘It [the bird] stayed with the kids.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 140)
	b.	‘Ablative’ bound pronoun (Unknown cross-referencing; includes dat)^23
		Ngulungulupa=laju=ngkura	kartiya,	wayitpala-ku.
		afraid=1pl.excl.s=2sg.abl	European	European-dat
		‘We were afraid of you Europeans, of white people.’ (Jones, 2011, p. 141)

Table

(34)	Walmajarri (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Warrkam-ma-lku	pa=jirla		ngaju-nga.
		work-do-pot	mr1=1sg.lctii		1sg-loc
		‘He’ll work with me.’ (Richards & Hudson, 2012)
	b.	Jangkuman-i	pa=jirla		‘Ngajirta.’
		answer-pst	mr1=1sg.lctii		neg
		‘He replied to me, “No”.’ (Willis, 2010, p. 21)
	c.	Kayili	pa=jarla	nganpayi	lapa-rni	ngaju-nga.
		north	mr1=1sg.lcti	man	run-pst	1sg-loc
		‘The man ran north with me.’ (Richards & Hudson, 2012)
	d.	Wuwu-ya-ni	pa=jarla		munga.
		press.down-go-pst	mr1=1sg.lcti		dark
		‘The darkness pressed down on me.’ (Richards & Hudson, 2012)

Table 13. Surveyed languages categorized by pattern type.

Locational series is …
Syncretic with (i.e. Type)	Object 1a Kukatja (WD) Manyjilyjarra (WD) Martu Wangka (WD) Warnman (WD) Pintupi (WD) Wangkajunga (WD)	Indirect object (dative) 1b Mangarla (M) Nyangumarta (M) Nyiyaparli (Nga)	Non-subject 1c Bilinarra (NgY) Mudburra (NgY) Warlmanpa^a (NgY)
Parasitic to (i.e. Type)	Object 2a Walmajarri (NgY) Yulparija (WD)	Indirect object (dative) 2b Mangarla (M) Walmajarri (NgY) Wangkajunga (WD) Yulparija (WD) Kukatja (WD) Kugu Nganhcara (MP)	Non-subject 2c Gurindji (NgY) Jaru (NgY) Ngardi (NgY) Wanyjirra (NgY)

Note: ^aThe status of locational cross-referencing in Warlmanpa is tentative, see Browne (2021a, pp. 359–360).

Table 14. Surveyed languages categorized into genetic subgroup with corresponding pattern type.

Subgroup	Language	Pattern
Ngayarda	Nyiyaparli	1b
	Warlmanpa	1c
	Mudburra	1c
	Bilinarra	1c
	Gurindji	2c
	Wanyjirra	2c
	Jaru	2c
	Ngardi	2c
	Walmajarri	2a, 2b
Marrngu	Nyangumarta	1b
	Mangarla	1b, 2b
Western Desert	Kukatja	1a, 2b
	Yulparija	2a, 2b
	Wangkajunga	1a, 2b
	Pintupi	1a
	Manyjilyjarra	1a
	Warnman	1a
	Pitjantjatjara	1a
	Yankunytjatjara	∅
	Ngaanyatjatjara	∅
Middle Paman	Kugu Nganhcara	2b

Figure 2. Surveyed languages categorized by their cross-referencing pattern(s). Languages which do not cross-reference locationals are excluded from this figure

Table

(35)	Warlpiri (Yapa)
	a.	Kulanganta	ka=lu=nyanu	yangka	wajiyi-ma-ni=rlangu?
		hyp	prs=3pl.s=refl	the	wash-caus-npst=too
		‘As if they never wash themselves?’ (Simpson, 1991, p. 163)
	b.	Wangka-ja=nyanu			jinta-kari-ji …
		say-pst=refl			one-other-eu
		‘Another said to himself … ’ (Simpson, 1991, p. 163)

Table 15. Comparison of object/dative and locational reflexive pronominal forms.

	Object	Dative	Locational
Gurindji	=nyanu		=nyanu(ngku)rla^a
Wanyjirra	=junu/=nyunu		=nyununggula/=jununggula
Jaru	=nyanu		=nyanu(nggu)rla
Ngardi	=nyanu		=nyanu(nggu)rla
Mudburra	=nyanu		—
Walmajarri	=nyanu		—^b
Warlpiri	=nyanu		—^c
Yulparija	=nyanta	=nyingku	=nyintara

Notes: ^aMcConvell (1996, p. 89) analyzes =nyanu=ngu=rla as cross-referencing a single ‘affected location’ and states that these ‘affected location reflexives’ are quite common. Note that the analysis in Meakins and McConvell (2021, p. 282) diverges somewhat, but the possibility for locative arguments to be reflexivized is still identified (Meakins & McConvell, 2021, p. 357).

^b Locational arguments are not observed in reflexive constructions in Walmajarri (see Hudson, 1978, p. 67). Note that while a form involving rla does occur (i.e. -rla-nyanu), it cross-references dative objects which are co-referent with the clausal subject.

^c Warlpiri has a cognate pronominal sequence =nyanurla, but importantly it either registers (i) a sequence of an object/indirect object argument plus a benefactive; or (ii) it registers a single argument as being a ‘conative dative’ (i.e. encoding an ‘unachieved’ goal/target).

Table

(36)	Jaru (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Ngaju-ngku	nga=rna=nyununggurla	magarda	yaan-an	langga-ngga.
	1sg-erg	cat=1sg.s=refl.lct	hat	place-prs	head-loc
	‘I put a hat on my head.’ (Tsunoda, 1981, p. 153)

Table

(37)	Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Wumara	walilik	yuwa-ni	ngu=rna=nyunungkurla.
	stone	around	put-pst	cat=1sg.s=refl.lct
	‘He put stones around himself.’ (McConvell, 1996, p. 89)

Table

(38)	Wanyjirra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Nyundu	ngu=n=jununggula	yirra-wu	jaminy-ja.
	2min	real=2min.s=rr.obl	put-fut	forehead-loc
	‘You will put it (i.e. ochre) onto your forehead.’ (Senge, 2015, p. 332)

Table

(39)	Warlmanpa (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Takka=rna-nyanu	karta-pu-ngunya.
	hand=1sg.s-rr	spear-act.on-pres
	‘I am cutting my hand.’ (Browne, 2021a, p. 300)

Table

(40)	Malgnin (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Ngayu	ngu=rna=nyunu	makarta	yuwa-rnana	walu-ngka.
	1sg	cat=1sg.s=refl	hat	put-prs	head-loc
	‘I put a hat on my head.’ (Ise, 1999, p. 44)

Table

(41)	Walmajarri (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	a.	Wangki	ma=rna=nyanta	jangku-ma-ni	kartiya-rla	ngaju-ngu.
		word	mr1=1sg.s=3sglctii	respond-say-pst	white.man-loc	1sg-erg
		‘I said something in response to the Whiteman.’ (Richards & Hudson, 2012)
	b.	Jangku∼jangku-ma-ni	pi=la=nyanu	nganpayijarra-rlu	kuli.
		respond∼iter-say-pst	mr2=3du.s=refl	men-erg	anger
		‘The two men talked angrily to each other.’ (Richards & Hudson, 2012)

Table

(42)	Mudburra (Ngumpin-Yapa)
	Ba=n	yuwa-rnini	dama-ngka	murrkardi=ma.
	decl=2sg.s	put-prs	head-loc	hat=top
	‘You are putting a hat on your head.’ (Osgarby, 2018, p. 157)
(43)	Nyiyaparli (Ngayarda)
	Thuna-pi=rna		mulya-ngka.
	put-pst=1sg.s		nose-loc
	‘I put it (a seed) in my nose.’ (Battin, 2019, p. 37)

Table

(44)	Yankunytjatjara (Western Desert)
	Punpun=rna	kurru-ngka	payi-ni.
	flies=1sg.s	eye-loc	drive.out-prs
	‘I’m brushing flies out of (my) eyes.’ (Goddard, 1985, p. 79)

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Data availability statement

The data that support the findings of this study are either openly available from the referenced resources in the public domain, or available from the corresponding author, TE, upon reasonable request.