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Abstract
This article compares the hybrid constructions of race, gender, and culture offered by two Japanese magazines very similar in nature, although one is targeted at men, the other at women. Locating non-no and Men's non-no within a larger transcultural discourse of commodified cultural representation, this comparison reveals significant differences in the magazines’ constructions. While the magazines’ hybridities may offer opportunities for subversive gestures, their representations of race and gender are ultimately likely to legitimize longstanding power relations, both globally and locally.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the October 2003 meeting of the Global Fusion conference in Austin, TX.
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the October 2003 meeting of the Global Fusion conference in Austin, TX.
Acknowledgments
The author would like to thank Bonnie Brennen, Carolyn Kitch, Linda Steiner, and reviewers of CSMC for their help.
Notes
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the October 2003 meeting of the Global Fusion conference in Austin, TX.
1. The Men's of Men's non-no is in English on the magazine's nameplate. The term non-no has no meaning in Japanese, but reflects the common practice in Japanese magazines of employing European- or American-sounding names with or without actual meaning. Other examples of Japanese magazine names include: Vivi, Éf, An-an, With, Cutie, Junie, and Potato (a music magazine).
2. The discourse of nihonjinron (theories about the Japanese) characterizes Japanese culture as unique and near-impossible for outsiders to comprehend. McVeigh (Citation2004) notes that such theories are often defined in racial, genetic, or blood terms “to such a degree that language, culture, and customs are regarded as decided by these biological traits” (p. 143). Echoes of this discourse can be found in the American popular press. A recent New York Times article titled “The enigmas, the oddities: What to make of Japanese dance from Japan” characterized Japanese dance as “ubiquitous and mysterious,” and “the most seductively alien of all foreign high cultures” (Rockwell, Citation2006, p. E1).
3. By focusing attention on the Japan vs. West dynamic, this discourse also problematically downplays the historical reality of Japan's relationship with the rest of Asia, including its colonial past and, some argue, its neocolonial present (Iwabuchi, Citation2002b).
4. Kraidy (Citation2005) notes, for instance, that American film and television producers often blame the global market for the lack of strong female and minority characters in their works, arguing that foreign audiences (deemed more racist and misogynist than their American counterparts) do not respond well to such characters. As one producer explained,
We're cognizant of what works and does not work internationally. … Americana seems to be desired by international markets, but there comes a point when even they will resist and say, “We don't get it.” And it's generally in that ethnic, inner-city, sports-driven region. (cited in Kraidy, 2005, p. 81)
The current global popularity of hip-hop and the fact that “most of the world's media markets are populated by a majority of people who share the ethnicity of U.S. minorities and immigrant groups” (Kraidy, Citation2005, p. 82) belie this dubious argument.
5. Because non-no is a bi-monthly publication, two issues were available for each month selected. I chose the issue closest in date to Men's non-no release—typically the first issue of each month. The following analysis of these two texts is significantly informed by my many years of study of the Japanese media environment—including ethnographic research among Japanese media consumers—and by my familiarity with the magazines beyond the sample examined here (I have been a casual reader of both publications for 10 years or so).
6. Both magazines are distributed in other parts of Asia. In the United States, subscriptions to both magazines can be purchased through Amazon.com and they are sold by a number of retailers. They are also available online.
7. Non-no and Men's non-no are very “substantial” magazines, compared to their American counterparts, each running to about 260 pages on thick, glossy paper. They cost ¥420 ($3.60) and ¥580 ($5) respectively, which is on a par with other magazines in Japan.
8. As will be discussed later, the model's national identity is not acknowledged in the ad. His presence in a Japanese publication, juxtaposed with a Caucasian model, however, “positions” him as Japanese.
9. The “Snap” section, a common feature of Japanese fashion magazines, offers snap shots of the fashionable styles of individuals found on the streets of Japanese and/or Western cities.
10. All translations are by the author.
11. I emphasize here the artificial nature of both cultural and racial identity. My intent is not to make judgments as to who is or is not entitled to be Japanese, but to describe who is or is not portrayed or positioned as such. In fact, several of the models intimately familiar to regular Men's non-no readers and cast—along with Japanese celebrities—as representatives of Japanese masculinity are individuals of mixed parentage who attended international schools in Tokyo. These individuals—chosen to model because of their hybrid racial identities—might not, under other circumstances, be considered “fully” Japanese in a society where nationality is still narrowly defined along racial lines.
12. This androgyny must be located within the larger context of the long history in Japan of “gender-bending” in such texts as Kabuki theater, Takarazuka Revue (musicals in which women play men's roles), or even homoerotic comic books (Izawa, Citation2000; Robertson, Citation1998; Tsurumi, Citation2000).
13. McVeigh (Citation2000) points to the power relations at work in the performance of cuteness by young Japanese women:
Cuteness is used to symbolize, reinforce and communicate norms which privileges males over females and is the ideal sentiment for strengthening lines of authority, since on the surface it is, according to one young woman, atarisawari ga nai (inoffensive, harmless). (p. 144)
He also notes, however, that young Japanese women also learn to use cuteness strategically to their own advantage.
14. A 23-year-old businessman expressed his outrage at being served plain ramen noodles in a pot: “Don't you at least have a bowl? Don't you have some scallions, a piece of ham, or eggs? What do you store in your gigantic refrigerator?”
15. Different racial identifications are available to young women in Japanese popular culture, such as the ganguro style—a version of African-American identification. These alternatives are, however, absent from non-no.
16. White skin was actually a standard of beauty before Japan's exposure to the Western world, and is sometimes associated with traditional Japanese culture. Female desire for white skin in this country is, consequently, more complex than simple Western influence.
17. Even in Men's non-no, where “Japanese” female models are portrayed as more sexually aggressive than in non-no (as in a recurring underwear ad featuring a woman in boxer shorts suggestively looking at the camera accompanied by the caption “Are you wild?”), “Western” women are still more daring. For instance, an ad found in several issues features a white model pulling her shirt open to expose most of her breasts, on which the word “Kahlua” has been painted. The caption in large red letters on the opposite page says, in English, “Don't think, ACT.”