Religion in postsoviet Armenia: Pluralism and identity formation in transition ∗

∗An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference of the Central Eurasian Studies Society in October 2007.

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1 Research for this paper was supported by funding from IREX and the National Science Foundation (Grant No. 0516836). The author would like to thank Richard Hovannisian and Daniel Treisman for comments on earlier versions, Nairi Melkomian in Yerevan for research assistance and the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis at the American University of Armenia for institutional sponsorship during the data collection process. All errors and omissions are the sole responsibility of the author.

Abstract

This paper examines the role of religion in identity formation and political development in postsoviet Armenia. It argues that the equation of Armenian identity with membership in the Armenian Apostolic Church contributes to an atmosphere of intolerance toward ethnic and religious minorities and inhibits the development of pluralism. This underdevelopment of a democratic culture therefore leads to weak opposition movements and delayed democratic consolidation. This paper is based primarily on interviews conducted in Armenia in 2005 with individuals in the religious and civil society sectors, but also draws upon evidence from published materials which demonstrate attitudes toward minorities in Armenian society.

Notes

∗An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Conference of the Central Eurasian Studies Society in October 2007.

1 Research for this paper was supported by funding from IREX and the National Science Foundation (Grant No. 0516836). The author would like to thank Richard Hovannisian and Daniel Treisman for comments on earlier versions, Nairi Melkomian in Yerevan for research assistance and the Turpanjian Center for Policy Analysis at the American University of Armenia for institutional sponsorship during the data collection process. All errors and omissions are the sole responsibility of the author.

2 Established as the state church of Armenia in 301, the Armenian Apostolic Church is an independent church in the Oriental Christian family of religions. Its spiritual centre is at the Etchmiadzin Cathedral and Monastery in the Republic of Armenia. The Armenian Apostolic Church also has a Holy See in Antelias, Lebanon, and patriarchates in Jerusalem and Constantinople.

3 This trend does not appear to be specific to the postcommunist experience, however. In Greece religious nationalism is used to defend teaching religion in schools and including religious affiliation on national identity cards (Mavrogordatos, 2003; Molokotos-Liederman, 2003).

4 In 1999 there were 48 registered groups, and by the time the Jehovah's Witnesses were finally allowed to register in October 2004 this number had increased to 56.

5 The literal translation of the word ‘proselytisation’ in Armenian is ‘hunting for souls’.

6 The Armenian Apostolic Church recognises two historically traditional churches in Armenia in addition to itself: the Catholic Church and the Armenian Evangelical Protestant Church. The Evangelical Protestant Church is an umbrella organisation, encompassing the major mainline Protestant denominations in the country, similar to the All-Union Council of Evangelical Christians-Baptists in the Soviet Union. While all other Christian denominations are considered ‘sects’ these two are considered to be ‘churches’ because of their historical presence in the country and because they acknowledge the Apostolic Church's predominance. Neither is permitted to ‘proselytise’, however. Members of these two churches acknowledge the arrangement and in return for their quiescence enjoy a relationship with the Armenian Apostolic Church that no other religious group can claim.

7 One interview subject claimed that the group was created under the command of Vazgen Sargsyan, prime minister of Armenia at the time.

8 Other percentages for the year 2000 were Roman Catholics (4.6 per cent), Protestants (1.1 per cent) and atheists and nonreligious people (13.3 per cent). It is important to note that statistics from the Soviet period are often unreliable, particularly with regard to figures related to religious membership and practice. Moreover, as a result of ideas about the equation of ethnic and religious identity, many ‘traditional’ religions in the postsoviet republics overstate adherence figures, and thus the precise meaning of reported figures can be difficult to interpret.