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Original Articles

The ‘Social Gap’ in Wind Farm Siting Decisions: Explanations and Policy Responses

, &
Pages 460-477 | Published online: 24 Jan 2007
 

Abstract

If approximately 80% of the public in the UK support wind energy, why is only a quarter of contracted wind power capacity actually commissioned? One common answer is that this is an example of the ‘not in my backyard’ (Nimby) syndrome: yes, wind power is a good idea as long as it is not in my backyard. However, the Nimby claim that there is an attitude–behaviour gap has been rightly criticised. This article distinguishes between two kinds of gap that might be confused, namely the ‘social gap’ – between the high public support for wind energy expressed in opinion surveys and the low success rate achieved in planning applications for wind power developments – and the ‘individual gap’, which exists when an individual person has a positive attitude to wind power in general but actively opposes a particular wind power development. Three different explanations of the social gap are distinguished, only one of which depends upon the individual gap. In the second section of the article the relevance of our three explanations for policy is considered. It is argued that the different explanations suggest different policy responses and that the success of efforts to increase wind energy capacity may depend on developing a better understanding of the relative significance of the three explanations.

Acknowledgements

This paper was produced as part of a project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC), ‘Tilting at windmills? The attitude–behaviour gap in renewable energy conflicts’ (RES221250015). The authors would like to thank the ESRC for its support. They would also like to thank their collaborators on the project and, in particular, the late John Benson, who conceived and organised the project before his sudden death in 2004. They would also like to thank Neil Carter and three anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments.

Notes

‘Tilting at windmills? The attitude–behaviour gap in renewable energy conflicts’ was funded by the Economic and Social Research Council as part of the Environment and Human Behaviour New Opportunities Programme.

On the result of the Carno application see Toke (Citation2002). On the positive effects of familiarity see Krohn and Damborg (Citation1999) and Pasqualetti (Citation2001).

It is likely that qualifications will only be ‘discovered’ or (at least) developed in any detail through acquaintance with particular developments when people really begin to think about their views on wind energy and its impact on the landscape or the environment (CitationWolsink, 2000).

The importance of local perceptions of the developers (and their motives) is emphasised by a number of commentators. See, for example, Krohn and Damborg (Citation1999) and Pasqualetti (Citation2001). However, the relevance of community solidarity – and its effects on attitudes – does not seem to have been discussed.

On local knowledge see, for example, Irwin (Citation1995). Developers who ignore local knowledge are likely to alienate communities (CitationBreukers & Wolsink, 2003). On the distinction between ‘technical knowledge’ and ‘practical knowledge’ see Oakeshott (Citation1991). The importance of lived experience seems clear in the increased support for wind farms after they have been built (CitationPasqualetti, 2001).

How far this is currently (or has been) the case in the UK is a matter of dispute. The updated Planning Policy Statement 22 on renewable energy published in November 2003 may be seen as an attempt to set clearer guidelines, as it states that the wider economic and environmental benefits of renewable energy developments, whatever their scale, must be taken into account.

On subsidies as a cause of rapid commercialisation see Elliott (Citation1994). On the impact of competitive pricing see Toke and Elliott (Citation2000) and Toke (Citation2002). On the National Fossel Fuels Obligation (NFFO) see Hedger (Citation1995) and Toke (Citation2002).

An example from the UK offshore wind industry is the sudden emergence of large numbers of fishers who claim to be affected by wind energy developments (personal conversation between one of the authors and a fishermen's representative, 2003).

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