The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Ukraine: External Actors and Domestic Factors

Abstract

By focusing on the role of, and interplay between, external actors and domestic factors, the present essay explores the evolution of Ukraine’s foreign policy. It argues that this policy has been shaped to a significant degree by positive and negative externalities, being a response to domestic developments as well as external challenges and opportunities. Acknowledging the importance of cost–benefit calculations by domestic actors, the essay does furthermore explore the role of norms and values in forming Ukraine’s foreign policy preferences.

Notes

¹ Although somehow less effectively, Russia has been using its soft power to influence Ukraine’s foreign policy. In particular, Russian state-owned news media actively sought to discredit the collective West and pro-democratic forces in Ukraine. On the role of Russian media during electoral campaigns, see Tolstrup (2015), Kuzio (2005).

² There is a third, isolationist perspective—a rejection of integration into either Western-led or Russian-dominated organisations and alliances—which remains rather marginal and is usually seen as not very plausible. For more see Kuzio (1999), Rozumkov Centre (2004).

³ During his second presidency, Kuchma’s foreign policy vision became more pro-Western (Kuzio 1999; NATO 2014).

⁴ Such an approach is more common in area studies research works and less characteristic of the literature on Europeanisation, which has usually featured a combined focus on external actors and domestic conditions, as evident in studies of interdependencies (Dimitrova & Dragneva 2009), the role of powerful veto players (Melnykovska & Schweickert 2008; Dimitrova & Dragneva 2013) and adjustment costs (Gnedina 2015; Shyrokykh 2017a).

⁵ ‘Do 26-richnytsi Nezalezhnosti Ukrayiny: Tendentsiyi Zmin Gromads’koyi Dumky’, Democratic Initiatives Foundation, 22 August 2017, available at: http://dif.org.ua/article/do-26-richnitsi-nezalezhnosti-ukraini-tendentsii-zmin-gromadskoi-dumki, accessed 19 April 2018.

⁶ For more see D’Anieri (2012, p. 449), NATO (2014).

⁷ The Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine of 1990 stated that Ukraine’s foreign policy should aim at permanent neutrality and that Ukraine should not take part in any military bloc (Verkhovna Rada Ukrayiny 1990).

⁸ At the same time, limited cooperation with NATO in the form of a strategic partnership was supported by both Kuchma and Yanukovych.

⁹ For more see Hryshko (2010).

¹⁰ For example, see Razumkov Centre (2004, p. 9).

¹¹ ‘Dogovir pro Druzhbu, Spivrobitnytstvo i Partnerstvo mizh Ukrayinoyu i Rosiys’koyu Federatsieyu’, available at: http://zakon5.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/643_006, accessed 25 April 2018.

¹² ‘Ukaz Prezydenta Ukrayiny pro Zabezpechennya Vykonannya Ugody pro Partnerstvo ta Spivrobitnytstvo mizh Ukrayinoyu ta Evropeiskymy Spivtovarystvamy (Evropeiskym Soyuzom)’, 19 February 1998, available at: http://zakon2.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/148/98, accessed 30 November 2016.

¹³ The ENP builds on instruments that can be broadly clustered in two areas: conditionality and people-to-people contacts. While conditionality builds on rational calculations, people-to-people instruments build on the belief that sustained professional and societal exchange and cooperation may lead to broader socialisation and the diffusion of norms and rules. For more see Shyrokykh (2017b), Rimkutė and Shyrokykh (2017).

¹⁴ EUBAM Annual Report, 2015, p. 9, available at: http://eubam.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/Report_2015_ENGL.pdf, accessed 8 November 2016.

¹⁵ See for example Brzezinski (1994, p. 80).

¹⁶ ‘Do 26-richnytsi Nezalezhnosti Ukrayiny: Tendentsiyi Zmin Gromads’koyi Dumky’, Democratic Initiatives Foundation, 22 August 2017, available at: http://dif.org.ua/article/do-26-richnitsi-nezalezhnosti-ukraini-tendentsii-zmin-gromadskoi-dumki, accessed 20 April 2018.

¹⁷ An example of such an attempt can be seen in the joint celebration of the 1025th anniversary of the baptism of Kyivan Rus’.

¹⁸ For more see Wolczuk (2004, p. 10).

¹⁹ On external democratisation see Solonenko (2009), Delcour and Wolczuk (2015); on human rights promotion see Shyrokykh (2017a).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Karina Shyrokykh

Karina Shyrokykh, Graduate School for South and East-European Studies, Ludwig Maximilian University Munich, Maria-Theresia-Straße 21, Munich 81675, Germany. Email: [email protected].