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Abstract
This article asks us to consider spatial dimensions embedded in Brazil's digital television transformation by looking at the symbolic significance of the medium in Manaus, a transnational city-region which will most likely be the manufacturing hub for the digital technology. Through an analysis of three physical spaces in Manaus implicated in the creation of digital television, the article exposes the political, economic, and social conditions that support, and ultimately contradict, national digital television rhetoric that focuses only on the uses of digital television.
Notes
1. Funding for this project has been generously provided by the Stone Center for Latin American Studies at Tulane University. Chad Fernberg provided research assistance. I would also like to acknowledge the generous help from professors at the Federal University of Amazonas and the comments from anonymous reviewers. Any errors found in this article are my own.
2. They were the Society of Television Engineers (SET) and the Brazilian Association of Radio and Television Broadcasters (ABERT).
3. At that time, and still today, the Japanese standards are untested outside of a laboratory setting (see CitationGalperin (2005) on comparative advantages of t-standards). Further, the then-Cardoso Administration realized the Japanese adoption might have negative effects for trade balances with the United States and Europe, each who were lobbying for their t-standard. As one negotiator for Cardoso put it, “For digital TV, there will be a mix of technology and politics, in light of the country's strategic interests” (Brazil to use Digital TV to Obtain Advantages, 2002).
4. The National Forum for Democratic Communication and Association of Independent Television Producers are two examples of civil society groups.
5. Texiera's successors, Eunicio de Oliveira (in 2004) owned 13 radio stations, and Hélio Costa (in 2005) was a longtime correspondent for TV Globo and radio station owner.
6. Among civil society groups' complaints was that the Ministry of Communications only convened 12 of the 83 meetings required under the SBDTV decree and did not share scientific documents with consulting group members (Schenkel, August 26, 2006).
7. This number was tallied by the author based on data provided by SUFRAMA in 2005.
8. My sample included 3 factory directors, 3 research institute managers, 3 union representatives, 1 industry lobbyist, 2 government officials, and 10 television set assemblers.
9. “Maria” is a pseudonym in agreement with my university's regulations for human subjects.
10. The remaining slots were allocated to a software developer, 2 transmission industries, and 2 university representatives (Schenkel, November 28, 2006).
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