Developing Sociality in a Post-Conflict Northern Ireland: An Application of the Perceiver Element Grid

Abstract

Personal Construct Psychology (PCP) offers a powerful framework for understanding the conflict and dispute between two parties. The bulk of the literature on PCP conflict resolution addresses issues in the context of families and small groups. In this paper, we present the analysis of sociality in the context of a long-standing conflict in Northern Ireland¹. We used the Perceiver Element Grid (PEG) to map the construing of representatives from the two main communities in Northern Ireland². Following 30 years of violent conflict and a subsequent 20-year peace process, these communities remain diametrically opposed to each other. In this paper, we explore the potential of the PEG as a means by which to assess sociality among parties to the Northern Ireland conflict. In addition, we discuss how the PEG could serve as a useful tool in conflict resolution, particularly when interviewees are asked to construe from the position of an imagined future. We draw conclusions relating to how developing sociality could be used to help improve inter-community relationships.

Notes

1 Despite being nearly one hundred years old, the very term Northern Ireland is contentious in name, with many Nationalists calling it the ‘six counties’ or the ‘North of Ireland’. For this article, the official title of Northern Ireland was used.

2 There are multiple descriptions for the two main communities in Northern Ireland. On one side is the Nationalist community, mostly Catholic by birth, who largely describe themselves as ‘Irish’ and have a desire to see a united Ireland. The terms Nationalists, Republicans and Catholics are used interchangeably by some when describing this community. This article has used the term, Nationalist. On the other side is the Unionist community, mostly Protestant by birth, who have a desire for Northern Ireland to remain in the United Kingdom. They describe themselves as any combination of British, Ulster, Protestants, Loyalists and Irish. This article has used the term, Unionist. Whilst, there are Catholic Unionists and Protestant Nationalists, their numbers are generally considered to be small. This article is focused on the views from representatives and voters from both of Northern Ireland’s two main communities. It is important to note that there is a significant number of voters in Northern Ireland, often referred to as the middle-ground, who do not vote for parties aligned to either Nationalism or Unionism.

3 Sinn Féin has a history as a party across the island of Ireland. In 1969 it split on whether or not to support the IRA in its use of violence. During the Troubles, Sinn Féin was widely considered to be the political wing of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) and had only moderate electoral success. Deciding to move toward securing a united Ireland through exclusively peaceful means, Sinn Féin, led by Gerry Adams, were signatories to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement. Today Sinn Féin is the largest Nationalist party in Northern Ireland and has also a significant presence in the Republic of Ireland.

4 The Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA), was formed in 1884 to revive native Irish sports. Best known for Gaelic football, the GAA has a large membership across the island of Ireland as well as an international presence. The association has also a history of promoting Irish culture. Since its inception, despite prominent Protestant members, the GAA’s close relationship with Irish Nationalism and culture has contributed to a difficult relationship with the Unionist community.

5 Brexit is the term used to describe the “British Exit” from the Europen Union (EU). At the 2016 referendum, England and Wales both voted to leave the EU, whereas a majority of the electorate in Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Irrespective of the different voting patterns across the United Kingdom (UK), BREXIT applies to the entire UK.

6 The Orange Order is a Northern Ireland based, international Protestant fraternal organization formed in 1795 with members in other parts of the world. They are known as Orangemen and for their 12^th July parades in commemoration of King William III’s defeat of James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. During the last century, the Orange Order had significant membership and political influence within Unionist politics. While still an important part of the Northern Ireland landscape, recent decades have witnessed its membership and Political influence decline. During its history, the Orange Order has had a difficult relationship with the Nationalist community.

7 The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) is oldest and for nearly a century, was the largest Unionist party in Northern Ireland. Between 1921 when Northern Ireland was created and 1972, the UUP was the ruling party of the Northern Ireland government. As key signatories to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, their leader at the time, David Trimble was a co-recipient of the Nobel Prize for Peace. Opposition to the Good Friday Agreement within Unionism, party divisions and a united Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) resulted in the UUP losing its position as largest party in Northern Ireland Unionism.

8 The Social Democratic and Labor Party (SDLP), formed in 1970, was committed to bringing about uniting Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland through exclusively peaceful means. Strongly opposing the PIRA campaign of violence, the SDLP remained the largest Nationalist party during the Troubles. As key signatories to the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, their leader at the time, John Hume, was a co-recipient of the Nobel Prize for Peace. Since the turn of the century, the SDLP have lost their position as the largest Nationalist Party to Sinn Féin.

9 The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) was co-founded by Ian Paisley in 1971 to oppose what was viewed as the more liberal UUP. Opposing the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, the DUP eventually became the dominant party within Northern Ireland Unionism. Following the 2006 St Andrews Agreement and upon winning twice as many seats as the UUP at the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly Elections, the DUP agreed to form a power-sharing government with Sinn Féin. Ian Paisley became First Minister of the Northern Ireland Assembly working alongside Martin McGinness of Sinn Féin, who became the Deputy First Minister

10 The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), was founded in 1969 in a split from the IRA. The PIRA attempted to bring about the unification of the island of Ireland through paramilitary activities and was the most active Republican paramilitary group during the Troubles. Throughout its history, the PIRA has been closely associated with Sinn Féin. The PIRA called a final ceasefire in 1997.