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ABSTRACT
Studies on care in Chinese transnational families often rely on bi-generational exchanges, failing to capture how care circulates within the families from a fully-generational perspective. The so-called ‘elderly’ is a key group for understanding care and mobility in these families; nevertheless, the existing research focuses either on their role as children caregivers or sees them as dependent people, resulting in a polarized perspective which also fails to understand the fluidity of care roles along the life course. Moreover, the generic term ‘the elderly’ may refer to one of several generations (grandparents/ great-grandparents). Based on qualitative data from a multi-sited ethnography (in China and Spain), this paper explores the circulation of care within four-generation transnational Zhejianese families. In these, the gendered construction of care work is the norm, despite the fact that new spaces for challenging specific gendered roles and practices are being created. In contrast, a high level of plurality and fluidity in care exchanges and care roles across generations, time and space has been observed. These factors are shaped, to different degrees, by local and transnational contexts, with the Chinese culture-system playing a key role. Finally, the paper highlights the contributions of the grandparents’ generation to families and society.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.
Notes
1 Transnational flows cannot be confined to this dual framework and often extend to three or more countries.
2 ‘Chinos de segunda generación en España – chiñoles’ (‘Second-Generation Chinese People in Spain – Chiñoles’).
3 Babies of Chinese migrant families who are sent to China to be partially raised by extended family members (Wong, Citation2015; Bohr & Tse, Citation2009).
4 The broader ethnography reveals a pattern of mobility for retired people: travelling to China for the Qingming festival (in early April) and going back to Spain in September. This pattern is clearly visible at the Evergreen Club (长青俱乐部) in Madrid – a club aimed at Chinese people belonging to the grandparents’ generation and above – where the influx of people varies greatly in these periods.
5 Since 1979, Chinese families have been obliged to care for ageing members by law.
6 Following Confucian prescriptions, sons are responsible for repaying ageing parents; nevertheless, when it comes to the practicalities of care on a daily basis, it is the wives who receive the real ‘debt of yang’ or care for parents-in-law (Stafford, Citation2000).
7 This pattern has been inverted in the last few decades, due to the introduction of the One Child Policy in 1979.
8 The Schengen Area includes 26 European countries.
9 Migrants and their spouses’ direct ascendants (parents and in-laws) can be regrouped if they are over 65 years old and they can justify that they depend (physically/financially) upon the person carrying out the reunification process.
10 Access to the public health system for all people who lacked economic resources was recognized. While not specified in the text, in practice this included also foreigners who were not integrated in the social security system through their work activity (Martín-Delgado, Citation2002).
11 The aforementioned categories of care exchange are not exclusive and, as such, one single action may incorporate various care dimensions. For example, sending a hongbao may imply both emotional and economic care.
12 Here, the meaning of ‘traditional’ is understood as that derived from Confucian family.