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Research Articles

Unravelling semi-presidentialism: democracy and government performance in four distinct regime types

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Pages 136-157 | Received 19 Jan 2017, Accepted 22 May 2017, Published online: 13 Jun 2017

Figures & data

Figure 1. Popular elections and cabinet survival under different regime types. Source: Åberg and Sedelius.Footnote 31

Figure 1. Popular elections and cabinet survival under different regime types. Source: Åberg and Sedelius.Footnote 31

Table 1. Study sample of countries under different regime types 2011.

Figure 2. Presidential power and regime type. Source: Doyle and Elgie, “Maximizing the Reliability of Cross-National Measures of Presidential Power”. Comment: A one-way ANOVA was conducted to determine if presidential power was significantly different for the different regime types. There was a significant difference between groups as determined by one-way ANOVA [F(3,104) = 16.64, p = 0.0000]. A Tukey post-hoc test showed that presidential power was significantly higher in the president-parliamentary group compared to the premier-presidentalism group (0.219 ± 0.052, p = 0.000). However, the difference between premier-presidentalism and parliamentarism was not statistically significant (0.070 ± 0.055, p = 0.584).

Figure 2. Presidential power and regime type. Source: Doyle and Elgie, “Maximizing the Reliability of Cross-National Measures of Presidential Power”. Comment: A one-way ANOVA was conducted to determine if presidential power was significantly different for the different regime types. There was a significant difference between groups as determined by one-way ANOVA [F(3,104) = 16.64, p = 0.0000]. A Tukey post-hoc test showed that presidential power was significantly higher in the president-parliamentary group compared to the premier-presidentalism group (0.219 ± 0.052, p = 0.000). However, the difference between premier-presidentalism and parliamentarism was not statistically significant (0.070 ± 0.055, p = 0.584).

Figure 3. Democratic Performance by Regime Type. Comment: Bars represent means. All variables have been rescaled into a scale ranging from 0 to 1. N = 145. In order to test the statistical significance of the differences, a series of one-way ANOVAs were conducted. All ANOVAS were significant (p < 0.000). A Tukey post hoc test showed that for all democratic performance variables, there is a statistically significant difference between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism (p <0 .01).

Figure 3. Democratic Performance by Regime Type. Comment: Bars represent means. All variables have been rescaled into a scale ranging from 0 to 1. N = 145. In order to test the statistical significance of the differences, a series of one-way ANOVAs were conducted. All ANOVAS were significant (p < 0.000). A Tukey post hoc test showed that for all democratic performance variables, there is a statistically significant difference between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism (p <0 .01).

Figure 4. Government performance by regime type. Comment: Bars represent means. CPI = Corruption Perceptions Index, HDI = Human Development Index. All variables have been rescaled into a scale ranging from 0 to 1. N for Government effectiveness = 171, CPI = 159, Empowerment rights index = 173, HDI = 167. In order to test the statistical significance of the differences, a series of one-way ANOVAs were conducted. All ANOVAS are significant (p < 0.01). A Tukey post hoc test shows no significant differences between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The most consistent difference is the one between parliamentarism and president-parliamentarism, which is statistically significant on all government performance variables (p <0 .05). There is also a significant difference (p <0 .01) between parliamentarism and presidentialism on all variables with the exception of the empowerment rights index (p =0 .08).

Figure 4. Government performance by regime type. Comment: Bars represent means. CPI = Corruption Perceptions Index, HDI = Human Development Index. All variables have been rescaled into a scale ranging from 0 to 1. N for Government effectiveness = 171, CPI = 159, Empowerment rights index = 173, HDI = 167. In order to test the statistical significance of the differences, a series of one-way ANOVAs were conducted. All ANOVAS are significant (p < 0.01). A Tukey post hoc test shows no significant differences between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The most consistent difference is the one between parliamentarism and president-parliamentarism, which is statistically significant on all government performance variables (p <0 .05). There is also a significant difference (p <0 .01) between parliamentarism and presidentialism on all variables with the exception of the empowerment rights index (p =0 .08).

Figure 5. Regime types and democratic performance (OLS coefficients with 95% confidence intervals). Comment: The graphs are based on the regressions presented in (appendix). Parliamentarism is used as the reference category.

Figure 5. Regime types and democratic performance (OLS coefficients with 95% confidence intervals). Comment: The graphs are based on the regressions presented in Table A2 (appendix). Parliamentarism is used as the reference category.

Figure 6. Regime types and government performance (OLS coefficients with 95% confidence intervals). Comment: The graphs are based on the regressions presented in (appendix). Parliamentarism is used as the reference category.

Figure 6. Regime types and government performance (OLS coefficients with 95% confidence intervals). Comment: The graphs are based on the regressions presented in Table A3 (appendix). Parliamentarism is used as the reference category.

Table A1. Classification of countries.

Table A2. Regime type and democratic performance (OLS).

Table A3. Regime type and government performance (OLS).

Table A4. Presidential power and democratic performance (OLS).

Table A5. Presidential power and government performance (OLS).