How women’s silence secures the peace: analysing sexual and gender-based violence in a low-intensity conflict

ABSTRACT

Most studies of the gendered impact of conflict focus on sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) atrocities committed in high-intensity conflict environments. In contrast, this article focuses on the patterns of SGBV in Mindanao, Philippines – an environment of protracted low-intensity conflict within a fragile state. We examine the current Mindanao peace process to highlight the disempowerment of survivors of SGBV, due in large part to the reporting constraints that affect those most likely to be targeted for sexual violence by rival groups, some of whom are closely associated with the peace process. By making visible the significant social, political-economic, and institutional barriers affecting the recognition and reporting of SGBV, we discuss how and why conflict-related SGBV continues in fragile and low-intensity conflict environments.

La mayoría de los estudios orientados a examinar las formas en que el conflicto incide en el género se centran en las atrocidades vinculadas a la violencia sexual y basada en el género (vsbg) en ámbitos en que se desarrollan conflictos de alta intensidad. En cambio, el presente artículo se concentra en los patrones de vsbg ocurridos en Mindanao, Filipinas —un ambiente de prolongado conflicto de baja intensidad desarrollado en el contexto de un Estado frágil. Al respecto, las autoras analizan el actual proceso de paz llevado a cabo en Mindanao, destacando el desempoderamiento experimentado por quienes han sobrevivido a la vsbg. En gran parte, éste deriva de las restricciones existentes para la presentación de denuncias, las cuales afectan a aquellas mujeres que tienen mayor probabilidad de convertirse en blancos de violencia sexual a manos de grupos rivales. Cabe señalar que algunos de estos grupos tienen vínculos estrechos con el proceso de paz. Además de visibilizar los importantes obstáculos sociales, político-económicos e institucionales que impiden el reconocimiento y la denuncia de la violencia sexual y basada en el género, las autoras analizan de qué manera y por qué en entornos frágiles caracterizados por conflictos de baja intensidad continúa produciéndose la vsbg relacionada con el conflicto.

La plupart des études de l'impact des conflits selon le sexe se concentrent sur les impacts sur les femmes et les hommes des atrocités liées à la violence sexuelle et sexiste (VSS) commises dans des environnements en proie à des conflits intenses. Cet article se concentre quant à lui sur les schémas des violences sexuelles et sexistes à Mindanao, aux Philippines — un environnement se caractérisant par un conflit de faible intensité au sein d'un État fragile. Nous examinons le processus de paix du Mindanao (Mindanao Peace Process) actuel pour mettre en relief la perte d'autonomie parmi les survivantes de la VSS, en grande partie suite aux contraintes entravant la notification qui s'exercent sur les personnes les plus susceptibles d’être ciblées par des violences sexuelles commises par des groupes rivaux, dont certains sont étroitement associés au processus de paix. En rendant visibles les considérables barrières sociales, politico-économiques et institutionnelles qui entravent la reconnaissance et la notification des violences sexuelles et sexistes, nous discutons de la manière dont la VSS liée au conflit continue d'exister dans les environnements fragiles et de conflits à faible intensité, et des raisons de cet état de fait.

KEYWORDS:

• Peace process
• Mindanao
• clan violence
• sexual violence
• gender

Notes on contributors

Sara E. Davies is Australian Research Council Future Fellow and Associate Professor at the Centre for Governance and Public Policy, Griffith University, Australia and Adjunct Associate Professor, Monash Gender, Peace and Security (GPS) Centre, and Professor of Politics and International Relations in the School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Australia. Postal address: Centre for Governance and Public Policy, School of Government and International Relations, Griffith University, Building 72, Nathan, QLD 4111, Australia. Email: [email protected]

Jacqui True is Australian Research Council Future Fellow, Director of Monash Gender, Peace and Security (GPS) Centre, and Professor of Politics and International Relations in the School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Australia.

Maria Tanyag is a PhD Candidate at the Monash Gender, Peace and Security (GPS) Centre.

Notes

1. For example: the annual UN Secretary-General reports on sexual violence in conflict-affected situations has listed four countries from Asia (Afghanistan, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Sri Lanka) over the four years of reporting (2012–15), see www.un.org/sexualviolenceinconflict/key-documents/reports/ (last checked by the authors 30 April 2016); and the Office of the Special Representative of Secretary-General for Sexual Violence in Conflict does not have one country from Asia listed amongst its 11 ‘case’ countries, see www.un.org/sexualviolenceinconflict/ (last checked by the authors 30 April 2016).

2. For example, Jacqui True (2015) argues that research contending that there has been a decline in violence and war is based on the count of battle deaths over the threshold of 1,000 deaths neglects evidence of the incidence of gendered violence that does not result in death.

3. Under Philippine laws, the term violence against women is adopted to refer to a range of SGBV including but not limited to physical violence, sexual violence, prostitution and trafficking, and economic abuse. In Republic Act 9262, VAW is defined as ‘any act or a series of acts committed by any person against a woman who is his wife, former wife, or against a woman with whom the person has or had a sexual or dating relationship, or with whom he has a common child, or against her child whether legitimate or illegitimate, within or without the family abode, which result in or is likely to result in physical, sexual, psychological harm or suffering, or economic abuse including threats of such acts, battery, assault, coercion, harassment or arbitrary deprivation of liberty’. National data collection operationalises this broad definition into the 13 indicators listed in Table 1. We use the term sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) following the official definition adopted by through the UN Security Council, Rome Statute, and international law and policy frameworks. We note that the two concepts overlap although VAW denotes a legal term in the Philippines.

4. Purposive snowball sampling is a research method involving identifying research participants progressively by asking each one to recommend others who may have relevant perspectives and knowledge.

5. VAW was the focus of the data collection drawn on here because it is the term used in the national statistics in the Philippines that cover sexual and gender-based forms of violence. The concept of VAW has sufficient overlap with SGBV for us to see analysing this data as useful for our own research.

6. The term ‘battle-death threshold’ refers to the number of deaths directly resulting from conflict that are needed before they are coded as either a minor conflict (25–100 battle deaths) or a major conflict (above 1,000 deaths) (see Uppsala Conflict Data Program as at Note 8).

7. The 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) defines widespread and systematic sexual and gender-based crimes to include rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilisation, and other forms of sexual violence (Office of the ICC Prosecutor 2014, 5). These crimes may occur in conflict or not. However, the UN Security Council is primarily concerned with hearing reports of sexual violence being directed, ordered, or permitted by organised groups against populations in conflict situations recognised by the Council. The UN Secretary-General has and may report cases, whether in conflict or not, that meet the ‘widespread and systematic’ criteria (Ban 2016). The situations reported are different to national-level ‘Violence Against Women’ reports which refer to violence that affects women and girls disproportionately, but may not be widespread.

8. Available at http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/ (last checked by the authors 26 July 2016).

9. Violent conflicts are categorised in the BCMS as vertical conflicts referring to insurgency-related, separatist, or non-separatist armed struggles against the State; and horizontal conflicts referring to all conflicts without state engagement such as violent struggles between clans, ethnic groups, rival insurgent factions, political parties, and private armed groups, or shadow authorities. BCMS identifies the following causes of violent conflicts: political; resource; identity; shadow economy; extra-judicial – under which SGBV such as domestic violence, rape, and sexual harassment are classified; and governance. Single or multiple causes for conflicts are recorded (International Alert 2014).

10. The Ampatuans have been politically dominant in Maguindanao, ARMM through the use of violence and coercion, and promoting clan interests at the expense of other people’s lives (Human Rights Watch 2010). Among Mindanao provinces, the ARMM has the highest concentration of Moros and the lowest for non-Muslim indigenous Lumads. It also constitutes the poorest provinces in the Philippines (Human Development Network 2012–13).