Abstract
This article addresses the negotiation of alternative systems of disposal and memorialization in a migrant context. Focusing upon the reactions, attitudes and choices of retired Northern European migrants following or in preparation for death in Spain, it examines the ways in which a different cultural context can present both challenges and new possibilities for the personal management of death. Using empirical material from ethnographic research amongst migrants in Spain, it draws attention to how one's cultural background influences the negotiation of different bureaucratic systems, customs of disposal (including ‘above-ground’ burial) and alternative memorial practices. The article draws attention to how death in migration can be read not only as an opportunity for the expression of group identities but can facilitate the expression of personal values. Depending on strength of kinship ties and claimed belonging to Spain, foreign cultural customs, whilst strange and alien for some, can also be interpreted by other migrants as new cultural material for displaying post-mortem identities.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Peter Jupp and the two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper, as well as Jenny Hockey's initial encouragement and advice.
Notes
Biographical Notes
Caroline Oliver is a Social Anthropologist, lecturing in the School of Geography, Politics and Sociology, University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. She has a particular interest in migration and the life course and her research to date has explored experiences of ageing following retirement migration to Southern Spain.
‘Tocina’ and ‘Freila’ are pseudonyms.
Ethnographic research was conducted for 15 months over two periods in 1998 and 1999 and annual visits to the field-site for short periods followed. During the research, I engaged in overt participant observation and conducted 68 semi-structured interviews with interviewees recruited through snowball sampling. Much of this article is based on experience with a number of close informants but I do not embellish details about any given individuals as a means of respecting their privacy. I have used pseudonyms and altered significant details to ensure anonymity.
‘Radically divergent’ alternative modern landscapes of loss and associated commemorative practices in Western Europe (Clayden and Woudstra, Citation2003: 207) have hitherto been researched from the perspectives of those in situ. Yet migrants also negotiate what may be somewhat ‘alien’ cultural spaces in which to remember their deceased relatives and friends.
For another example see Gardner's (Citation2002) consideration of Bengali migrants in London, who fly bodies back to Sylhet in Bangladesh.
There is also a separate Islamic enclosure.
This is currently the nearest crematorium. Historically, cremation rates have been and continue to be much lower in Spain than in the UK, although rates are increasing. Cremation is an acceptable practice in contemporary Spain which is not opposed by the Catholic church.
Disposal may take even longer in the UK during November to February, the months of slightly higher mortality.
Catholic inspired law disallowed recognition for any other denomination or religion and until 1831 there was no proper burial ground for Protestants in Spain. Instead, a gruesome story recounted by migrants tells how British people in Spain were buried at midnight, standing upright in the sand, to be eventually washed away (Grice-Hutchinson, Citation1982 [1964]).